Millions of New Jerseyans at Risk from Hazardous Materials Transported by Rail

More than 3.6 million New Jerseyans live within the evacuation zone of a hazardous materials train route — yet the state lacks basic safety rules and transparency measures.[1]

New Jersey faces unique threats from trains carrying hazardous materials because of its dense population.[2] While freight rail is considered one of the safest ways to transport hazardous materials, it still poses risks to human and environmental health.[3] The 2023 East Palestine, Ohio and the 2012 Paulsboro, New Jersey derailments show the dangers posed by toxic cargo that immediately harm surrounding areas.[4] Rollbacks of labor, safety, and rail regulations can make these disasters worse.

Unlike neighboring states, New Jersey has resisted efforts to increase safety and has restricted public information about train routes carrying hazardous materials and the type and amount of dangerous cargo. The federal government has stalled in creating policies to make hazmat transportation safer, so state lawmakers must act. To protect rail workers and reduce risks to the public, New Jersey should update its hazmat freight rail policies, especially regarding safety and transparency, to protect the millions of residents who live in harm’s way.

Hazardous Materials Endanger New Jersey Residents’ Health and Environment

For many New Jerseyans, the threat of a hazmat rail incident is real, not theoretical. In 2024, New Jersey had 55 rail incidents, far more than the previous year.[5] Five of those incidents involved hazardous materials where toxic chemicals spilled or were vented.[6]

Exposure to hazardous materials (hazmat) released during a derailment can have short- and long-term health risks. Hazmat is defined as any material that when transported, may pose an unreasonable risk to health and safety or property.[7] This includes chemicals that can poison the air and water, cause fires and explosions, or damage vital organs with long-term exposure. The federal government defines hundreds of chemicals as hazmat, including vinyl chloride, one of the materials released from the derailed trains in East Palestine and Paulsboro.[8] The gas poses a threat to human health — including long-term risks of damage to vital organs — and is highly flammable, reactive, and an explosion hazard.[9] The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, and the International Agency for Research on Cancer have all classified vinyl chloride as a human carcinogen.[10]

The 2012 derailment of a freight train in Paulsboro, New Jersey demonstrates the risk New Jerseyans face with hazmat. While crossing a bridge, the conductor of a Conrail freight train incorrectly determined it was safe to proceed despite the red signal indicating danger.[11] Four freight cars fell into the creek. One punctured and released 23,000 gallons of vinyl chloride into the water and air.[12]

A toxic vapor cloud spread over the town and town officials failed to immediately evacuate residents. Many still report long-term health issues from exposure to the chemical and inadequate warning from town officials.[13] A Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) study found that most first responders did not use breathing protection, and only a quarter had specific hazardous response training despite stating they felt they had received sufficient instruction.[14] The study concluded that changes to safety procedures were needed to improve risk assessment for first responders.[15] However, no state or federal agency has conducted a long-term evaluation of the health effects on Paulsboro residents and emergency personnel — meaning we still don’t know the full cost of that disaster more than a decade later.

Despite the devastating impacts of these incidents, New Jersey has not made significant improvements to rail safety policies since the 2012 Paulsboro incident. While the East Palestine derailment and explosion educated many on the dangers of hazmat — even prompting bipartisan proposals in Congress to improve rail safety — the proposal has not moved forward.[16]

Over One-Third of New Jersey Residents Live Near Hazmat Rail Lines

Without increased safety measures, a significant portion of New Jersey’s population remains at risk during a hazmat rail incident. With about 1,000 miles of freight rail lines in New Jersey, the threat to homes, schools, hospitals, and businesses is widespread.[17] More than one-third of New Jersey’s residents, or over 3.6 million people, live in a potential evacuation zone.[18] An evacuation zone for the most common types of hazmat, including vinyl chloride, extends half a mile on each side of a freight rail line.[19] However, this is the minimum requirement for large spills, and a fire would necessitate an evacuation zone of at least one mile.[20]

The counties with the largest at-risk populations are Hudson and Bergen counties, each with nearly half a million residents living within an evacuation zone.[21] That’s nearly 70 percent of the population in Hudson County and around 50 percent of the population in Bergen County. People in these counties face particular risk because these are the densest counties in the state. Despite having fewer residents in the evacuation zone, rural communities are less likely to be equipped for a hazmat rail incident, posing a different kind of danger for residents and first responders.[22]

Number of Residents in Evacuation Zone by County

The statewide evacuation zone for all freight lines includes 1,306 schools, 119 hospitals, 170 long-term care facilities, and 9 airports, including Newark Liberty International.[23] Should an incident occur near any of these facilities, it would disrupt access to emergency care, put young students at risk, and cause major delays and disruptions for transportation and emergency response efforts.

Critical Infrastructure is at Risk in the Event of a Hazmat Rail Incident

Shortfalls in Federal and State Law Leave Residents Vulnerable

While the safety of New Jersey should remain a top priority, lawmakers at both the state and federal levels have failed to address dangerous shortfalls in hazmat rail policy. The federal Emergency Planning and Community Right-to-Know Act (EPCRA) grants public access to information about the location, amounts, and types of hazmat stored at stationary facilities.[24] This information is published on the New Jersey Department of Environmental Protection’s website and updated regularly.[25] Yet efforts to require federal or New Jersey lawmakers to grant public access to mobile sources of hazmat, such as freight rail trains, have not been successful.

Federal initiatives to increase rail safety and transparency have fallen short. In 2014, the federal government proposed a suite of safety regulations to create stronger requirements for trains carrying flammable liquids.[26] However, the rail industry criticized the proposal, and the final rule was narrowed to apply only to crude oil and ethanol while exempting other chemicals.[27] In 2018, the Trump administration repealed that rule.[28] The second Trump administration continues to propose rollbacks to rail safety rules, worrying rail workers and creating the potential for even more dangerous conditions for New Jersey residents.[29]

Corporate Lobbying Against Safety Regulations Stalls Progress

Despite safety concerns, corporate lobbyists from wealthy freight companies have repeatedly blocked state-level reforms. After CSX lobbied his administration, Governor Christie vetoed a 2017 bill that would have required corporations to develop hazmat response plans and to publicly disclose freight train routes, citing national security risks.[30] Yet there is little evidence that transparency increases the likelihood of a security breach.

Restricting this information leaves first responders and communities unprepared for potential disasters.[31] After the East Palestine derailment, the National Transportation Safety Board reaffirmed that communities have the right to know what chemicals are moving through their neighborhoods — information critical for local emergency response.[32] [33] Still, efforts to revive similar transparency laws in New Jersey have faced the same corporate opposition, even as calls for reform continue to grow.[34]

Corporations are unlikely to voluntarily increase safety measures. Between 2010 and 2021, the seven biggest railroad corporations spent 33 percent more on stock buybacks, cash distributions, and dividends compared to infrastructure investments.[35] However, when corporations invest more in safety, incidents can decline. Four of the top five largest freight rail corporations reported an increase in incidents in the first 10 months of 2023.[36] But Norfolk Southern, which increased its investments in infrastructure and safety upgrades after East Palestine, reported a decrease in incidents.[37]

The pattern is clear: Without state action, corporate interests will continue to block safety improvements while millions of residents remain at risk. New Jersey cannot wait for federal action or voluntary corporate responsibility.

Lawmakers Must Act to Protect New Jersey Residents

With inconsistent progress on federal safety measures, states must act to protect their residents. New Jersey needs strong safety and transparency measures to ensure that residents, first responders, and communities can prepare for and respond to hazmat rail incidents. New Jersey lawmakers should pass laws requiring the following measures to reduce risks to residents, many of which have been proposed at the federal level or by other states.[38] These policies cost the state very little to implement because freight rail companies — not taxpayers — would bear the costs. In fact, preventing major derailments can save more than these safety measures cost. The East Palestine cleanup alone has cost Norfolk Southern hundreds of millions of dollars.[39]

Increase Transparency: Grant public access to hazmat cargo information while implementing safeguards against security risks.

Allowing reasonable public access to cargo information for communities near freight rail lines will bring New Jersey in line with neighboring states and bring freight rail hazmat in line with stationary sources of hazardous materials, which are already required to be public under the federal EPCRA. A proposed compromise is to allow access to a list of past cargo and their components published by the NJ Department of Environmental Protection (DEP) after a reasonable amount of time. Additionally, bridge inspection reports, which the NJ Department of Transportation generates based on inspections of bridge integrity and appraisal, should be sent to NJ DEP, the agency responsible for hazmat control. For example, the bridge in Paulsboro was known to be malfunctioning, yet the rail company that owned it failed to address it.[40] By sharing these reports, agencies can break down regulatory siloes and work together to create more transparency and higher standards for rail safety.

Mandate Safety Upgrades: Require rail companies to upgrade safety technologies such as wayside defect detectors, maintain a minimum two-person crew on all hazmat freight trains, and restrict train length to reduce derailment risks.

Increasing the frequency of wayside defect detectors, which are devices placed alongside rail lines to detect issues with train equipment, has been shown to increase safety and reduce dangerous incidents.[41] However, there are no current federal laws requiring the use of these detectors. Additionally, requiring a two-person crew allows for flexible sharing of responsibilities and increases the likelihood of catching a problem. While this is currently a federal rule, it is not yet a law and could be rolled back.[42] Restricting train length reduces its total weight, lowering the likelihood of a derailment, while also reducing the overall amount of hazmat carried by the train. Longer trains are more likely to derail and should only be used if emergency response systems are capable of dealing with a derailment.[43]

Strengthen First Responder Training: Mandate specialized training for emergency personnel in communities along freight lines, ensuring they can respond effectively to hazmat incidents.

Requiring the owners and operators of freight rail companies to provide specialized training for first responders in areas near freight rail lines will improve responses if and when an incident occurs. As shown in the Paulsboro derailment, first responders had a clear gap in understanding the risk of not using breathing protection. And officials did not order an immediate evacuation of the area affected by the cloud of vinyl chloride. Helping first responders prepare for any kind of incident also helps civilians. The better equipped first responders are, the more likely they will be able to limit damage and protect their community.

Ensure Financial Accountability: Require freight companies to demonstrate financial responsibility for disaster response, preventing communities from bearing the costs of corporate negligence.

Without strict policies requiring freight rail corporations to prove they can pay, taxpayers may have to bear the burden of paying to clean up after an incident.[44] After the East Palestine and Paulsboro derailments, the freight companies paid for the entire cost of the cleanup and emergency response.[45] This requirement must be written into law, and corporations must provide the government with proof of financial ability to pay for disaster response and cleanup before an incident occurs.

Conclusion

New Jersey lawmakers must reject corporate lobbying efforts that put profit over public safety. Transparency, improved emergency preparedness, stronger safety policies, and stricter corporate accountability are essential to protect the 3.6 million residents living in potential hazmat rail evacuation zones. Lawmakers need multiple layers of safety to both prevent incidents and to ensure that if an incident does occur, the damage is limited. Strengthening regulations will not only enhance public safety but also prevent future derailments from becoming full-scale disasters.

New Jersey lawmakers should pass comprehensive hazmat rail safety legislation in the current session — before the next derailment puts communities at risk.


End Notes

[1] NJPP Analysis of 2020 U.S. Census Data and New Jersey freight rail lines. 2020 U.S. Census Data was used because it is the most recent available data down to census block level.

[2] United States Census Bureau, 2024 Highest Density States Table.

[3] U.S. Department of Transportation Federal Railroad Administration. Hazardous Materials Transportation.

[4] National Transportation Safety Board. Failed Wheel Bearing Cause Norfolk Southern Train Derailment in East Palestine, Ohio. June 25, 2024.

National Transportation Safety Board. Conrail Train Derailment with Vinyl Chloride Release, Paulsboro, New Jersey, November 30, 2012. July 29, 2014.

[5] See New Jersey data at Federal Railroad Administration’s Office of Safety Analysis accident database.

[6] See New Jersey data for 2024 at PHMSA’s incident database.

[7] U.S. Department of Transportation Pipeline and Hazardous Materials Safety Administration. Federal Hazmat Law. p. 2.

[8] 49 CFR § 172.101. Hazardous Materials Table.

[9]  New Jersey Department of Health. Hazardous Substance Fact Sheet: Vinyl Chloride. Oct. 2015.

[10] Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry. Vinyl Chloride – ToxFAQs™.

[11] National Transportation Safety Board. Conrail Train Derailment with Vinyl Chloride Release, Paulsboro, New Jersey, November 30, 2012. Jul. 29, 2014. p.2.

[12]National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration. A Train Derails in Paulsboro, N.J., Releasing 23,000 Gallons of Vinyl Chloride Gas. Dec. 17, 2012.

[13] Read, Zoë. A decade after Paulsboro, N.J. train derailment, questions linger over rail safety and public health. WHYY. Apr. 6, 2023.

[14] Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. NIOSH Technical Assistance Report: Assessment of Emergency Responders Following Vinyl Chloride Release from a Train Derailment—New Jersey, 2012. Dec. 2013. p.13.

[15] Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. NIOSH Technical Assistance Report: Assessment of Emergency Responders Following Vinyl Chloride Release from a Train Derailment—New Jersey, 2012. Dec. 2013. p.13.

[16] Railway Safety Act of 2023, S.576, 118th Congress.

[17] New Jersey Department of Transportation. Freight Rail Strategic Plan. Jun. 2014. p.ES-2.

[18] NJPP Analysis of 2020 U.S. Census Data and New Jersey freight rail lines. 2020 U.S. Census Data was used because it is the most recent available data down to census block level.

[19] U.S. Department of Transportation Pipeline and Hazardous Materials Safety Administration. 2024 Emergency Response Guidebook. pp.30, 162.

[20] U.S. Department of Transportation Pipeline and Hazardous Materials Safety Administration. 2024 Emergency Response Guidebook. pp.30, 162.

[21] NJPP Analysis of 2020 U.S. Census data and New Jersey freight rail lines. 2020 U.S. Census Data was used because it is the most recent available data down to census block level.

[22] Junod, Anne N. Urban Institute. Why Hazardous Train Derailments Happen, Who Pays, and How to Prevent Them. Feb. 22, 2023.

[23] NJPP Analysis of NJGIN Open Data: Hospitals of NJ, Long Term Care Facilities of New Jersey, New Jersey Aviation Facilities, and School Point Locations of NJ.

[24] United States Environmental Protection Agency. Hazardous Chemical Inventory Reporting. Accessed Oct. 2025.

[25] New Jersey Department of Environmental Protection. How to Get Community Right to Know Information. Accessed Sept, 2025.

[26] Hazardous Materials: Enhanced Tank Car Standards and Operational Controls for High-Hazard Flammable Trains. Vol 79, No. 148, Fed. Reg. 45016. Proposed Aug. 1, 2014.

[27] Wolfe, K. A. and Schor, E. Politico. DOT issues final rules on flammable oil trains. May 1, 2015.

U.S. Department of Transportation. DOT Announces Final Rule to Strengthen Safe Transportation of Flammable Liquids by Rail. May 1, 2015.

[28] U.S. Department of Transportation Pipeline and Hazardous Materials Safety Administration. PHMSA Rescinds ECP Brake Mandate After RIA Finds Costs Outweigh Benefits. Sept. 24, 2018.

[29] Gallagher, John. Freight Waves. Rail unions warn DOT rollbacks could jeopardize train safety. Jun. 24, 2025.

[30] Tate, Curtis. NorthJersey.com. CSX lobbied Christie officials before he vetoed oil-train bill. Aug. 11, 2017.

[31] NorthJersey.com. Editorial: Oil train veto leaves New Jerseyans at risk. Jul. 17, 2017.

[32] Fischler, Jacob. New Jersey Monitor. Priorities for rail safety bill debated in U.S. Senate hearing with Norfolk Southern CEO. Mar. 23, 2023.

[33] Fischler, Jacob. New Jersey Monitor. Priorities for rail safety bill debated in U.S. Senate hearing with Norfolk Southern CEO. Mar. 23, 2023.

[34] Weinberg, Loretta. NJ.com. We need protection from the ‘bombs’ that rumble through New Jersey. Jul, 14, 2022.

[35] Rowland, Darrel. ABC6. Norfolk Southern plied Ohio politicians with campaign cash, extensive lobbying. Feb. 20, 2023.

[36] Eavis, Peter. New York Times. Since Ohio Train Derailment, Accidents Have Gone Up, Not Down. Jan. 28, 2024.

[37] Eavis, Peter. New York Times. Since Ohio Train Derailment, Accidents Have Gone Up, Not Down. Jan. 28, 2024.

[38] Evans, Nick. Ohio Capital Journal. Bipartisan rail safety bill headed for U.S. Senate Vote. May 12, 2023.

New York State Senate. Senate Passes Comprehensive Rail Safety Legislation in Light of Recent National Train Disasters. May 23, 2023.

Williams, David O. Colorado Newsline. New rail safety office could add protections for Colorado residents and environment. May 9, 2024.

Caruso, Stephen. Spotlight PA. A train safety bill inspired by the East Palestine derailment faces tough odds in the Pa. legislature. June 12, 2023.

[39] Guillen, Alex and Marquette, Chris. Politico. “Norfolk Southern to pay over $500M for cleanup, rail safety after East Palestine derailment.” May 23, 2024.

[40] National Safety Transportation Board. “Conrail Freight Train Derailment with Vinyl Chloride Release.” Accessed Nov. 2025.

[41] U.S. Department of Transportation Federal Railroad Administration. Effectiveness of Wayside Detector Technologies on Train Operation Safety. May 2022.

[42] Federal Railroad Administration Office of Railroad Safety. Compliance Guide for Train Crew Size Safety Requirements. May 2024. p.7.

[43] Madsen, P. M., et al. Risk Analysis. The relationship between freight train length and the risk of derailment. Nov. 2024. P.1.

Verma, M. Transportation research part C: emerging technologies, 19(5). Railroad transportation of dangerous goods: A conditional exposure approach to minimize transport risk. Aug 2011. p.801.

[44] Junod, Anne N. Why Hazardous Train Derailments Happen, Who Pays, and How to Prevent Them. Feb. 22, 2023.

[45] U.S. Environmental Protection Agency. EPA Orders Norfolk Southern to Conduct All Cleanup Actions Associated with the East Palestine Train Derailment. Feb. 21, 2023.

Walsh, Jim. Courier Post. Conrail sues insurers over losses from 2012 Paulsboro derailment. Dec. 1, 2017.

Gutted: New Jersey’s Shrinking Public Workforce

New Jersey has cut its state workforce by more than 25 percent since 2006, eliminating nearly 20,000 positions even as the state’s population has grown.[1] This can have concrete consequences for New Jersey residents, including longer wait times at government offices, delayed benefits, fewer inspectors for nursing homes and polluting factories, and less oversight of how schools and local governments spend public dollars.

State Policymakers Cut 26 Percent of Workforce Since 2006

While state government employment nationwide has increased by more than 4 percent since January 2020, New Jersey has cut 3 percent of its workforce over the same period.[2]

State policymakers have slashed positions across nearly every department, including child welfare, transportation, agriculture, and law enforcement. These departments all employ far fewer people than earlier in the century. Despite an influx of federal pandemic-related aid, New Jersey’s public sector workforce has still not rebounded, continuing a trend that New Jersey Policy Perspective previously documented in 2020.[3]

This decline runs counter to the national trend of steady growth and recovery from recession-related cuts.[4]

The cuts extend beyond state workers. Local government employment, including public school teachers and municipal service workers, has also fallen sharply. The state now employs 15 percent fewer public servants per resident than historical levels across all levels of government, gutting the capacity of government to respond effectively to residents’ needs.

Total Public Employees Have Declined 15 Percent Below Historical Levels 

What Workforce Cuts Mean for New Jersey Residents

Fewer public servants means worse service and higher costs. When staffing falls, backlogs grow, productivity drops, and waste increases. Residents face larger class sizes, longer waits for trash pickup, delays in business license approvals, and backlogs at motor vehicle offices.

Research confirms these problems:

  • Tax enforcement: Cutting tax enforcement staff costs the state money. For every dollar invested in tax enforcement personnel, states typically collect multiple dollars in previously uncollected taxes.[5] (NJPP has highlighted increasing the tax enforcement workforce as a key revenue opportunity for New Jersey.[6])
  • Transportation infrastructure: Staff cuts at state transportation departments have led to lost expertise and poor cost analysis, driving up the price of roads, bridges, and transit projects.[7]
  • Social services: In New Jersey, workforce cuts at county social service agencies mean caseworkers juggle more clients, and families wait longer for help.[8]

 

A government that works effectively is a government that has enough human capacity to meet its residents’ needs. Lawmakers from both parties have complained about long wait times for unemployment and tax assistance.[9] But complaints alone will not fix the problem. Addressing wait times and backlogs requires hiring enough workers to meet demand.

How to Rebuild New Jersey’s Public Workforce 

Rebuilding the state workforce requires competitive pay and benefits. Public-sector workers generally earn less than private-sector employees with similar education and experience.[10] New Jersey currently has more than 2,000 funded positions sitting empty because the state cannot attract qualified candidates.[11]

State policymakers should:

  • Prioritize hiring to fill these positions
  • Identify incentives to attract skilled candidates
  • Ensure that the state has enough revenue to fund a more robust state workforce

 

The myth of “Big Government” in New Jersey ignores the reality: the state has cut its public workforce to dangerous levels. More residents and fewer public servants equal longer wait times, less oversight, and wasted taxpayer dollars.

New Jersey residents deserve better. Policymakers must invest in rebuilding the state workforce to adequate levels. Only then can state government effectively serve the people of New Jersey.


End Notes

[1] New Jersey Civil Service Commission, State Government 2024 Workforce Profile, 2025, p. 3; New Jersey Department of Personnel, State Government 2006 Workforce Profile, 2007, p. 3. U.S. Census Bureau, Resident Population in New Jersey [NJPOP], retrieved from FRED, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis; https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/NJPOP, October 28, 2025.

[2] U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, All Employees, State Government [CES9092000001], retrieved from FRED, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, Oct. 28, 2025. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics and Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, All Employees: Government: State Government in New Jersey [SMS34000009092000001], retrieved from FRED, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, Oct. 28, 2025. Graph available here.

[3] Reynertson, S., New Jersey Policy Perspective. Years of Disinvestment Hamper New Jersey’s Pandemic Response. Apr. 20, 2020.

[4] U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, All Employees, State Government [CES9092000001], retrieved from FRED, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, Sept. 26, 2025.

[5] Yale Budget Lab. The Revenue and Distributional Effects of IRS Funding. Apr. 24, 2025.

[6] Chen, P., New Jersey Policy Perspective. Fair and Square: Changing New Jersey’s Tax Code to Promote Equity and Fiscal Responsibility. Nov. 14, 2024.

[7] Liscow, Z. et al. State Capacity and Infrastructure Costs. Yale Law & Econ. Research Paper. Aug. 23, 2025.

[8] Holom-Trundy, B., New Jersey Policy Perspective. Understaffed and Underfunded: Barriers to Effective Anti-Poverty Assistance. Nov. 25, 2024.

[9] Price Mueller, K., NJ.com. Is anyone out there? We made 100 calls to state helplines to see who answered the phone. Jul. 21, 2025.

[10] Morrissey, M. & Sherer, J., Economic Policy Institute. The public-sector pay gap is widening. Unions help shrink it. Aug. 29, 2024.

[11]  State of New Jersey. Governor’s FY 2026 Budget, Detailed Budget. March 2025. Pp. H-13 to H-14. State of New Jersey. Governor’s FY 2025 Budget, Detailed Budget. March 2024. Pp. H-13 to H-14.

 

The $200 Barrier to Justice: Why NJ Must Eliminate Municipal Public Defender Fees

By Marleina Ubel with additional research by Dash Barany and Lauren Aung

What You Need to Know:

  • Up to $200 fees block access to public defenders in municipal courts
  • 90 percent of New Jersey defendants cannot afford attorneys
  • No evidence that public defender fees generate substantial revenue for municipalities
  • Black and Latinx/Hispanic residents are disproportionately harmed
  • New Jersey must eliminate these fees immediately

Everyone has the constitutional right to a lawyer when accused of a crime, but for many in New Jersey, that right is behind a paywall. In 2023, after extensive research from NJPP, Governor Murphy signed a law eliminating public defender fees for felony cases.[i] In New Jersey, lawyers from the state Office of the Public Defender (OPD) represent people facing felony charges, also known as indictable offenses. Yet people who need a public defender in municipal court can still be required to pay application fees.

Under current state law, people who cannot afford an attorney may be required to pay up to $200 to apply for a municipal public defender.[ii] These charges push low-income residents into debt and pressure them to give up their right to counsel to avoid financial strain. As politicians increasingly threaten to use criminal prosecution as a political weapon, the right to strong and accessible defense counsel becomes even more critical. New Jersey must eliminate these fees.

What the Law Says — and Who It Harms

New Jersey statute allows, but does not require, municipalities to charge up to $200 to apply for the “privilege” of accessing one’s constitutional right to an attorney.[iii] The majority of municipalities attempt to collect this fee.[iv] Judges may waive the fee, but only if they find significant evidence that the cost would be an unreasonable burden on the applicant — a process that is far from simple.[v] Defendants must prove that paying would cause financial hardship, often by submitting extensive personal financial documents. This process can be confusing, humiliating, and ultimately a barrier to exercising their constitutional right to counsel.[vi]

The consequences of these fees are severe. They deepen poverty and trap people in cycles of court debt and ongoing legal system involvement. People experiencing financial hardship are more likely to face criminal charges or incarceration.[vii] This reality also plays out in New Jersey courts, where approximately 90 percent of defendants are indigent.[viii] This means the vast majority of New Jerseyans facing charges are harmed by public defender fees. In most cases, families or loved ones also carry the burden of court debt. Of those, 83 percent are women.[ix] Because women are more likely to be caregivers, the harm extends to children and other vulnerable family members, spreading well beyond the individual defendant.

These burdens fall hardest on Black and Latinx/Hispanic New Jerseyans, who are more likely to experience financial hardship due to historic and systemic inequities. In 2023, 53 percent of Black households and 52 percent of Latinx/Hispanic households in New Jersey did not make enough money to meet basic needs.[x] At the same time, Black residents are more than 12 times as likely to be charged and convicted as white residents.[xi] As a result, Black and Latinx/Hispanic New Jerseyans are overrepresented among defendants who cannot afford an attorney and are disproportionately harmed by public defender fees.

Case study: A man fined $100 for minor drug possession ended up owing over $1,000

New Jersey’s own Supreme Court Committee on Municipal Court Operations, Fines, and Fees warned in 2019 that these charges “can be financially devastating on defendants, have a disproportionately negative impact on the poor, and often become the starting point for a perpetual cycle of court involvement for defendants with limited resources.”[xii]

Minimal Returns, Hidden Costs

While the financial burden on New Jerseyans who cannot afford an attorney is substantial, the cash returns for municipalities are minimal. Unsurprisingly, New Jersey collects a low percentage of legal financial obligations imposed by the court. A study by the New Jersey Criminal Sentencing and Disposition Commission (CDSC) found that only about 20 percent of all legal financial obligations imposed on people on probation are collected, including public defender fees.[xiii] Because defendants applying for public defenders have already shown they cannot afford to pay, those returns are likely even smaller. For example, in East Orange, the city collected $3,523 in public defender fees in 2024, out of a $182.4 million budget. This is a mere 0.002 percent of the municipal budget.[xiv]

There are also hidden administrative costs associated with debt collection. The system incurs additional, often untracked administrative expenses related to collections and enforcement, creating an inefficient system that costs more than it generates.[xv] Nationally, collecting public defense fees costs more than 95 percent of what is collected.[xvi] New Jersey’s own CDSC report also suggests that the state’s collection system costs more to run than it collects.[xvii]

A lack of transparency and accessible data makes it difficult for the public to understand how this system works or how fees are applied. This is even true for those who need representation from a public defender. People may not realize there is a fee until they receive notice of debt.[xviii]

Recommendation: No Paywall on Justice

New Jersey must guarantee that the constitutional right to counsel is truly free and accessible, especially as the criminal legal system becomes increasingly weaponized to target people of color.[xix] This reform would complete the work the state started in 2023 when it eliminated public defender fees for felony cases. Municipal court defendants deserve the same access to justice. That means eliminating all municipal public defender application fees and ensuring public defense is funded through sustainable, equitable public investments.

In many places, access to public defenders is free for those who qualify. Municipalities like Jersey City have already led the way. Neighboring states such as New York and Pennsylvania recognize that no one should have to choose between taking on debt or defending their rights.

Ending these fees is about living up to constitutional promises. It’s about dismantling barriers that disproportionately harm Black and Latinx/Hispanic residents and closing long-standing racial and economic gaps in the legal system. Justice should be available to everyone, not only to those who can afford it.

The New Jersey Legislature must pass legislation prohibiting municipalities from charging public defender application fees. This requires:

  • Amending N.J. Stat. 2B:24-17(a) to eliminate fee authorization
  • Ensuring state funding covers municipal public defender costs
  • Requiring transparency in public defender access and outcomes

 


End Notes

[i] Ubel, M. The High Cost of “Free” Representation: Why New Jersey Should Eliminate Public Defender Fees. New Jersey Policy Perspective. October 24, 2022; Ubel, M. It’s Time for New Jersey to Eliminate Public Defender Fees. New Jersey Policy Perspective. June 27, 2023; Office of Governor Phil Murphy. Governor Murphy Signs Bill Eliminating Public Defender Service Fees. June 30, 2023.

[ii] NJ Rev Stat. 2B:24-17(a) (2024)

[iii] NJ Rev Stat. 2B:24-17(a) (2024)

[iv] NJPP Analysis, Personal Communication, Phone Calls to Municipal Courts. [Oct 2024 – Sept 2025].

[v] NJ Rev Stat. 2B:24-17(a) (2024)

[vi] Supreme Court Committee on Diversity, Inclusion, and Community Engagement. 2023 – 2025 Report. Jan. 14, 2025. pg.16

[vii] Rabuy, B. and Kopf, D. Prisons of Poverty: Uncovering the pre-incarceration incomes of the imprisoned. Prison Policy Initiative. Jul. 9, 2015

[viii] The New Jersey statute defines an indigent defendant as “a person who is formally charged with the commission of an indictable offense, and who does not have the present financial ability to secure competent legal representation, and to provide all other necessary expenses of representation” (2A:158A-2). An indigent defendant is a person who does not have the resources to pay for counsel; New Jersey Criminal Sentencing & Disposition Commission. March 2023 Report. Mar. 2023. Pg. 18.

[ix] deVuono-powell, S., Schweidler, C., Walters, A., and Zohrabi, A. Who Pays? The True Cost of Incarceration on Families. Ella Baker Center, Forward Together, Research Action Design. Sep. 15, 2015.

[x] United for ALICE. The State of ALICE in New Jersey: 2025 Update on Financial Hardship. United Ways of New Jersey. 2025. Pg. 3.

[xi] Nellis, A. The Color of Justice: Racial and Ethnic Disparity in State Prisons. The Sentencing Project. Oct. 2021. Pg. 10.

[xii] New Jersey Courts. Report Of The Supreme Court Committee On Municipal Court Operations, Fines, and Fees. Administrative Office of the Courts. Jun. 2018. Pg. 15.

[xiii] New Jersey Criminal Sentencing & Disposition Commission. March 2023 Report. Mar. 2023. Pg. 16.

[xiv] NJPP Analysis, Personal Communication. Jul. 2025. On file with author; City of East Orange. 2024 Municipal Budget. April 2024. Pg. 1.

[xv] Beeman, M. et al. At What Cost? Findings from an Examination into the Imposition of Public Defense System Fees. National Legal Aid & Defender Association. Jul. 2022.

[xvi] Beeman, M. et al. At What Cost? Findings from an Examination into the Imposition of Public Defense System Fees. National Legal Aid & Defender Association. Jul. 2022. Pg. 7

[xvii] New Jersey Criminal Sentencing & Disposition Commission. March 2023 Report. Mar. 2023. Pg. 18.

[xviii] National Legal Aid & Defender Association (NLADA). Forthcoming report. Contact author for more information.

[xix] Ghandnoosh, N. One in Five: Disparities in Crime and Policing, The Sentencing Project. Nov. 2023.

Resetting School Funding for New Jersey’s Next Decade

Based on Estimating the Costs of an Adequate Education in New Jersey[1] by Dr. Bruce D. Baker, University of Miami.

Key Findings

  • New Jersey’s school funding formula shortchanges schools serving students from low-income families by about $5,300 per student.
  • This underfunding leaves 80 percent of Black and Latinx/Hispanic students in schools without enough resources.
  • Fixing the formula would cost about $3.5 billion each year but would close opportunity gaps and fulfill the state’s constitutional obligation.
  • This investment would bring school spending in line with levels before the 2008 recession, measured as a share of the state’s economy.

Every New Jersey student deserves access to quality education, no matter their income, race, gender, or disability. But a Black high school student, enrolled in a high-poverty district and in crisis, will have less access to a mental health professional than students in more affluent districts.[2] And a first-grader who speaks Spanish at home may have larger class sizes than students in nearby wealthier towns, preventing her from learning English as fast as she could.[3]

To deliver on the promise of a quality education, schools need enough funding to help students meet the state’s academic standards.[4] However, many New Jersey school districts, especially those in high-poverty communities, lack the resources they need to provide all students with an education that meets the state’s new, higher standards.[5] The state can fix this problem by increasing funding for school districts so they have the resources they need to educate their students properly.

This summary highlights key findings from Estimating the Costs of an Adequate Education in New Jersey by Dr. Bruce D. Baker.

A new report shows how New Jersey’s current school funding system falls short and outlines steps to fix it. The report provides a road map to guide the state toward properly funding its schools, as required by the New Jersey Constitution.

The report shows:

  • New Jersey ranks among the top states on national tests when looking at average student performance. This success stems largely from the state’s strong commitment to funding many of its schools adequately. Unfortunately, a large gap remains between test scores of students from low-income families and their wealthier peers.
  • Schools serving more students in poverty or English Language Learners (ELL) are not getting enough funding to close this opportunity gap.
  • This funding shortfall comes from problems with the state’s school funding formula. The current formula uses outdated assumptions to determine how much extra funding a district receives for each student who qualifies for free or reduced-price lunch, a measure of economic need.
  • Under the current school funding system, most Black and Latinx/Hispanic students attend schools that lack the resources they need, seriously harming their educational opportunities.
  • Fixing the formula to properly fund schools serving students from low-income families would cost about $3.5 billion; this would only be a nine percent increase in the total budgeted spending of New Jersey school districts for 2025-26.[6] This investment would bring total school spending close to what New Jersey spent before the 2008 recession, measured as a share of the state’s economy.[7]


High Test Scores for New Jersey Students, But an Opportunity Gap Remains

New Jersey ranks among the top states for school funding, spending a larger share of its economy on education than most states (see table below). However, like the rest of the nation, New Jersey’s funding dropped over recent years, with a temporary increase during the pandemic.[8] This pattern shows that the state can afford to increase school funding, climbing back to the funding levels it had before the 2008 recession.

New Jersey has has a relatively strong school funding effort, as well as high test scores.

New Jersey’s Strong Funding Yields High Test Scores

New Jersey’s strong school funding has resulted in higher test scores compared to other states, even after the nationwide drop in test scores following the Covid pandemic. For example, math scores in Grade 8 remain among the highest in the nation, even after the drop following the pandemic.

While this success should be celebrated, we must remember that these test scores are averages: many students score higher than average, but many score below.  Students in poverty continue to fall behind their peers. For example: while average Grade 8 math scores in New Jersey are high, the scores for economically disadvantaged students have consistently been below those of their more affluent peers.

The "Opportunity Gap" Persists in NJ Test Scores

These persistent gaps exist because schools serving students from low-income families lack the resources they need. Closing the opportunity gap between more and less affluent students should be a key goal of the state. That can happen only when all schools are funded properly.

Schools Serving Students Facing Economic Challenges Aren’t Getting Enough Funding

Why Additional Funding Matters

Students from low-income families need additional support to succeed in school. Smaller class sizes, trained education specialists, targeted programs, classroom supports, and extra services all require additional funding. Without these resources, students from low-income families will not have educational opportunities that equal their classmates from higher-income families.[9]

How the Formula Should Work

New Jersey’s school funding formula is based on providing additional funding for students if they qualify for free or reduced-price lunch (a measure of poverty), or if they speak English as a second language at home.[10]

In theory, the school funding formula should provide significantly more money to schools serving more students in poverty. The formula includes extra funding for students who qualify for free or reduced-price lunch (FRPL), providing an additional 47 to 57 percent more funding per pupil. English Language Learners also receive an extra 50 percent more funding.

How the Formula Actually Works

In reality, the funding difference between high- and low-poverty schools is far too small. For every 10-percentage point increase in students qualifying for free and reduced-price lunch, schools spend only about $300 more per pupil on average. The same increase in English Language Learners results in about $400 more spending per pupil on average.[11]

Currently, for each student who qualifies for free or reduced-price lunch, schools receive only 21 percent more funding than they receive for a student who doesn’t qualify. This is far less than the 47 to 57 percent the formula intends. It’s also less than what the data says is needed to achieve rigorous outcomes.[12]

Changing the Funding Formula to Get More Money Where It Is Needed

The report uses actual data on school spending, student characteristics, and test outcomes to calculate what funding is needed for all students to achieve strong results on state tests. The report calculates how much funding would raise the statewide test scores by an amount equal to the current gap between students from the wealthiest and poorest families.[13]

To Meet Its Goals, New Jersey Must Spend More on Schools With More Economically Disadvantaged Students

To meet this goal, schools should receive much more funding for each student from a low-income family.[14]  Currently, New Jersey schools spend an average of $2,960 more per student who qualifies for free or reduced-price lunch. To reach higher standards for all students, this amount should increase by $5,290 to a total of $8,880 per student.[15]

What Proper Funding Would Provide

The additional $5,290 per student from a low-income family would allow schools to:

  • Reduce class sizes so teachers can give each student more attention
  • Hire reading specialists and math coaches to help struggling students
  • Provide after-school tutoring and summer programs to prevent learning loss
  • Offer counselors and social workers to address barriers to learning that happen outside the classroom
  • Update textbooks, technology, and facilities to create better learning environments

 

Many of these resources are standard in schools serving wealthier students but often missing in schools serving low-income communities.

Students of Color Are More Likely to Be in Schools Without Enough Funding

New Jersey’s current school funding system severely disadvantages students of color. The majority of Black and Latinx/Hispanic students attend schools that lack adequate funding.[16] As a result, outcomes for these students suffer: Black and Latinx/Hispanic students have less access to advanced courses, experienced teachers, updated technology, and support services. These resource gaps directly limit their educational opportunities and future economic prospects. This racial and ethnic imbalance must be addressed by reforming the state’s school funding formula.

Most Black and Latinx/Hispanic Students Attend Underfunded Schools in New Jersey

Put another way: a Black or Latinx/Hispanic student in New Jersey has about a four in five chance of attending an underfunded school, while a white student has about a one in two chance. This difference reflects decades of policy decisions that have systematically underinvested in communities of color.[17]

Closing the Gap Costs $3.5 Billion, But NJ Can Afford It

Funding schools serving students in poverty properly requires tripling the additional funding these schools currently receive for each student from a low-income family who is enrolled.[18] With approximately 586,000 students who qualify for free or reduced-price lunch, the total investment would be about $3.5 billion each year.[19] To put this into perspective, New Jersey’s total state budget for fiscal year 2025 is about $59 billion.

This improvement represents about four-tenths of a percentage point of the state’s total economy.[20] Total K-12 spending would remain in line with levels before the Great Recession of 2008.[21]

More analysis will help figure out the exact formula changes needed. Until then, New Jersey policymakers must move urgently to take the following steps:

  • Change the current formula to increase the additional per-student funding for students from low-income families. Currently, each low-income student enrolled in a district raises per pupil spending $2,960; this amount should be increased to $8,880. This amount can be adjusted after conducting additional research.
  • Keep this higher funding level over the long term.
  • Remove the sliding scale that provides different amounts based on district poverty concentration.

 

The path forward is clear: New Jersey must return to previous levels of funding to fulfill its constitutional mandate to provide all students with an education that prepares them to succeed.


End Notes

[1] Baker, B.D. Estimating the Costs of an Adequate Education in New Jersey. Trenton, NJ: New Jersey Policy Perspective. 2025.

[2] Weber, M. A. New Jersey’s Black Students Suffer a Decline in Access to School Mental Health Staff. New Jersey Policy Perspective.

[3] Weber, M.A. The Consequences of School Underfunding. New Jersey Policy Perspective.

[4] Baker, B. D., & Knight, D. Does money matter in education? Washington, DC: Albert Shanker Institute. 2025.

[5] Baker, B.D., & Weber, M.A. New Jersey School Funding: The Higher the Goals, the Higher the Costs. Trenton, NJ: New Jersey Policy Perspective. 2022.

[6] Total expenditures for 2025-26 based on “Expenditures Net of Transfers” from the NJDOE’s User Friendly Budgets. https://www.nj.gov/education/budget/ufb/

[7] Baker, B.D. Estimating the Costs of an Adequate Education in New Jersey. Trenton, NJ: New Jersey Policy Perspective. 2025. p. 3.

[8] Baker, B.D., Di Carlo, M, & Weber, M.A. The Adequacy and Fairness of State School Finance Systems (7th edition), p. 8-11. Washington, D.C.: The Shanker Institute. 2025.

[9] Baker, B. D., & Knight, D. Does money matter in education? Washington, DC: Albert Shanker Institute. 2025.

[10] For an in-depth discussion of the  School Funding Reform Act’s (SFRA) funding formula, see: Baker, B.D., & Weber, M.A. Unlocking Academic Success: Revitalizing New Jersey’s School Funding Formula for Student Achievement. 2023.

[11] Baker, B.D. Estimating the Costs of an Adequate Education in New Jersey. Trenton, NJ: New Jersey Policy Perspective. 2025. p. 26. Table 3, “spend_2” shows the model estimate for increases in spending; the figures are divided by 10 to show the increase in spending given a 10-percentage point increase in either FRPL or ELL students.

[12] Regarding the difference between the implicit FRPL weight and the School Funding Reform Act (SFRA) formula weight: Many affluent districts spend well above the adequacy target set in the SFRA formula. The implicit weight is based on the actual differences in spending between districts: if districts with fewer FRPL students spend more than their adequacy target, the implicit FRPL weight will decrease to a level below the weight used in the SFRA formula. Put simply: the implicit weight is lower than the formula weight because low-FRPL districts spend more than their SFRA adequacy amount. It is also possible some high-FRPL districts are not spending what the formula says they should, possibly because they aren’t receiving all the local or state revenue the formula says they should receive. Further research is needed to determine the exact causes of this discrepancy.

[13] Baker, B.D. Estimating the Costs of an Adequate Education in New Jersey. Trenton, NJ: New Jersey Policy Perspective. 2025. p. 28. Formally, the report’s desired outcome is to raise the average state test score 1.0 standard deviations (1.0 SD). Several studies have found the achievement gap between 90th percentile household  income students and 10th percentile household income students is on the order of 1.0 SD. (Reardon, S.F. The Economic Achievement Gap in the US, 1960-2020:Reconciling Recent Empirical Findings. CEPA Working Paper No. 21.09. 2021. Retrieved from Stanford Center for Education Policy Analysis) The increase in funding would be due to raising the free and reduced-price lunch weight; consequently, the additional funding would be concentrated in higher-poverty districts, as would be the ensuing increase in test scores. Raising the average state test score by 1.0 SD would, therefore, be closing the opportunity gap.

[14] The School Funding Reform Act (SFRA) formula weights FRPL students between 0.47 and 0.57 based on the concentration of economic disadvantage in their school district: more concentrated disadvantage leads to a higher weight. The report’s analysis suggests this sliding scale should be replaced with a single, higher weight for all FRPL students.

[15] Baker, B.D. Estimating the Costs of an Adequate Education in New Jersey. Trenton, NJ: New Jersey Policy Perspective. 2025. Table 3, p. 26 (spending model “spend_2”). The calculation here takes the ratio of the estimated weight to the implicit weight (0.63 / 0.21 = 3.0) and multiplies that by the “actual” spending found in the model estimate.

[16] Baker, B.D. Estimating the Costs of an Adequate Education in New Jersey, Trenton, NJ: New Jersey Policy Perspective. 2025. pp. 29-30.

[17] Baker, B.D. & Weber, M.A. Separate and Unequal: Racial and Ethnic Segregation and the Case for School Funding Reparations in New Jersey. 2021.

[18] “Tripling” the weight means tripling the actual extra amount spent on a student in economic disadvantage over what is currently spent. The amount the weight would need to be changed in the SFRA formula to achieve this result would likely be different.

[19] NJDOE Fall Enrollment Reports, 2024-25.

[20] Bureau of Economic Analysis, “GDP by State.”

[21] As the table above shows, spending on K-12 education was 4.6% in 2020, 4.2% in 2021, and 5.0% in 2022 (the latest figure available). The wide swings in the latest years are due to effects from the pandemic; it is likely the effort figure will drop in 2023. Yet even if it doesn’t, a 0.4 percentage point increase still puts the effort figure near where it was before the Great Recession.

Freedom from Want: An Economic Guarantee for New Jersey’s Kids

All children in New Jersey deserve the freedom to grow up safe, healthy, and free from poverty. Childhood poverty hurts school performance and growth today, while damaging mental and physical health and earning power for a lifetime. Research is clear: childhood poverty causes lasting harm. Yet 1 in 8 New Jersey children still live in poverty ($32,000 for a family of four).[1] This level of deprivation should not be tolerated in one of the wealthiest states in the wealthiest nation in the history of the world.

This report plots a bold way forward for New Jersey to lead the nation in ending child poverty and ensuring all families have what they need. The report outlines two paths forward:

  • Expanding and improving existing anti-poverty programs, and
  • Creating a new child allowance program for children in low-income families.

 

This vision is not new. For generations, leaders across the globe have argued that true freedom requires freedom from poverty. In his Four Freedoms speech from more than 80 years ago, President Franklin Roosevelt said that free nations should provide “freedom from want” for their people, to secure a “healthy peacetime life” for all.[2] The United Nations Declaration of Human Rights echoes this, promising an adequate standard of living for all people to have food, clothing, housing, medical care, and social services.[3] While the United States lags behind, almost all wealthy countries provide a child allowance as a basic income floor for households with children.[4]

The federal government has pulled back from helping low-income and working families.[5] Now states like New Jersey must step up and show how economic growth can coexist with economic security for those who need it most.

Key Findings

New Jersey has the resources to dramatically cut child poverty. It has one of the nation’s highest median household incomes at nearly $100,000 annually.[6] Its economic engine generates enormous wealth, with its gross domestic product rivaling global powers.[7] And New Jersey has a base of existing anti-poverty programs to build from, such as the state Child Tax Credit and state Earned Income Tax Credit.[8]

The latest lessons in anti-poverty programs come from “guaranteed income” pilot programs, which have provided unrestricted cash to families and individuals seeking economic stability. These programs stand out for their simplicity: by removing red tape and government paperwork, guaranteed income pilots trust individuals and families to make their own choices about how to spend assistance. The results of these pilots have been impressive: lower poverty, higher academic achievement, and greater food and housing security.[9]

Building on these lessons, this report offers two paths forward for New Jersey to move closer to a world without want for its children and families:

Path 1

Expand New Jersey’s existing family affordability programs to provide more cash to more families with less red tape. Currently, New Jersey operates four main anti-poverty programs with cash or cash-like assistance:

  • Earned Income Tax Credit
  • Child Tax Credit
  • Work First New Jersey
  • Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP)

 

This plan would double the benefit amounts for the tax credit programs and Work First New Jersey to bring them in line with the standard of living in New Jersey. An additional monthly payment would be added to SNAP using state funds.

Path 2

Create a new program, the New Jersey Family Guarantee, which would provide $5,000 annual payments to families of Medicaid-eligible children. Rather than work through existing programs, this more ambitious proposal would lay the groundwork for a more robust child allowance program in New Jersey, allowing all children eligible for Medicaid (or whose births were covered by Medicaid in New Jersey) to receive annual payments of $5,000 to help support their upbringing and well-being.

The two proposals would require significant investment by the state, but would be well within the scope of other state cash assistance programs. The expansion proposal would cost around $1.84 billion, while the New Jersey Family Guarantee program would cost around $3.21 billion at full funding. By comparison, the ANCHOR property tax relief program costs the state $2.43 billion annually, while the state’s wide array of property tax relief programs costs $4.88 billion.[10] As these annual payments demonstrate, the state’s political leaders have shown a willingness to invest substantial state resources into direct payments for households.

The Problem: Child Poverty’s Lasting Harm

Child poverty is not inevitable, but the result of public policy decisions that have spent too little on families. Growing research shows that child poverty leaves lifelong scars on child development and holds back children and adults from reaching their full potential. Meanwhile, other studies prove that providing cash assistance to reduce poverty also reduces these harms and improves lifelong success for these children and their families.

The Damage Child Poverty Causes

Poverty hurts how children grow and learn. No doubt focusing on learning in school is more challenging if a child goes to bed hungry or lacks clean clothes to wear. But beyond these basics, exposure to childhood poverty leads to worse mental and physical health in adulthood.[11] The stress of poverty has been shown to rewire children’s brains, raising levels of stress hormones and disrupting development.[12]

Poverty also widens and deepens gaps between Black and Hispanic/Latinx families who have been historically economically disadvantaged and their white counterparts. In New Jersey, the child poverty rate for Black and Hispanic/Latinx families is more than twice that of non-Hispanic white families.[13]

Black and Hispanic/Latinx Children Experience Poverty at Rates Far Above the State Average. Percent of Children in Poverty by Race/Ethnicity

The National Academies of Sciences said it clearly in their 2019 report: poverty itself hurts children, especially when it begins in early childhood and lasts through much of childhood.[14]

New Jersey’s high cost of living compounds these harms. The official poverty rate understates the deprivation that New Jersey’s families with lower incomes experience, because the cost of housing, food, child care, and other necessities is higher than in other states.[15] Raising two children with two adults can easily cost upwards of $135,000, even as incomes fail to keep pace with those costs.[16]

The Solution to Poverty: Money

Good news: research shows the most effective way to fix poverty is simple: give people money. Cash gives people the power to make their own financial decisions and meet their needs without burdensome restrictions.

Examples include:

  • The expanded Child Tax Credit as part of the American Rescue Plan provided payments of $300 per month to families across the country, reducing poverty by nearly half.[17]
  • The two rounds of pandemic stimulus checks sent in 2020 during the pandemic reduced child poverty by roughly one-third.[18]
  • Guaranteed income pilot programs in dozens of states and hundreds of communities, including in Newark and Paterson, have shown reductions in financial need and improvements in housing and health care.[19]
  • Long-term effects from prior cash transfer programs showed not only positive academic and educational outcomes and better health outcomes, but also improvements in the next generation’s educational outcomes.[20]

 

Given the broad results from the research around cash programs big and small, there has never been more evidence for the effectiveness of these programs in reducing poverty. Yet in the past, programs have placed restrictions on anti-poverty programs based on racist or controlling policies, such as bans on using SNAP for prepared foods[21] or allowing only “deserving” families to receive assistance.[22]

What does cash assistance actually do? A broader cash assistance program is not a substitute for other critical supports such as health insurance, affordable housing, or public schools. Instead, research shows that cash programs help families cover basic needs, such as rent, utilities, groceries, and unexpected expenses like car repairs or medical bills.[23] The research also addresses common concerns: guaranteed income pilots have shown nearly no increase in spending on alcohol, tobacco, or gambling,[24] and little to no effect on employment, meaning people are not leaving the workforce when receiving these funds.[25]

Where New Jersey Stands Now

New Jersey already operates a series of programs that provide cash or cash-like benefits to households with children: the Child Tax Credit, Earned Income Tax Credit, Work First New Jersey (TANF), and SNAP. These programs each have differing benefit amounts, eligibility, and regularity (lump-sum vs. periodic payments). Nonetheless, they each help reduce the burden of economic hardship on households below or near the federal poverty line, with some key limitations.

Current Cash and Cash-Like Assistance Programs

Each of these programs has limitations that prevent some eligible residents from accessing them. For example, people must file state taxes in order to receive the Earned Income or Child Tax Credits, but filing is not required for households earning less than $10,000 annually ($20,000 if married filing jointly).[26] Other restrictions, such as work requirements and citizenship restrictions in both Work First New Jersey and SNAP, make the programs less accessible for households.[27] Each extra layer of bureaucratic red tape makes it harder for families to navigate a complex web of government systems.[28]

Despite these limitations, each program puts money (or, in the case of SNAP and Work First New Jersey, cash-like debit cards) directly into the hands of families, resulting in lower poverty and improved outcomes.[29] The Earned Income Tax Credit, for example, has shown dramatic reductions in poverty for people receiving the credit while increasing employment rates.[30]

In combination, these programs provide New Jersey with an existing program structure and proven record that can serve as the basis for a more ambitious proposal to reduce poverty for all children.

Two Pathways Towards Economic Security

New Jersey has the opportunity to be a national leader in improving family affordability and reducing poverty. By learning from the lessons of the expanded Child Tax Credit and the guaranteed income pilots, New Jersey can supercharge the cash it provides to families and cut red tape, giving families the freedom and flexibility to choose how best to spend their money.

New Jersey Policy Perspective proposes two pathways to dramatically cut child poverty and expand economic freedom for families.

One pathway builds on New Jersey’s existing programs that address family affordability through cash or cash-like benefits, such as the Child and Earned Income Tax Credits, the Work First New Jersey program, and the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP). This pathway would increase benefit amounts and simplify program access, though federal program changes may limit how much a state can improve access.

The second pathway aims to redefine what a guarantee of family affordability could look like in New Jersey by guaranteeing that the family of any Medicaid-eligible child receives an annual child allowance of $5,000 to help address the costs of raising a child. Based on prior research, such a change would dramatically reduce child poverty and would make the concept of “freedom from want” a reality for New Jersey children.

Both programs would help to advance racial equity, as children in lower-income households are disproportionately Black and Hispanic/Latinx.[31] Research around the pandemic-era Child Tax Credit expansion showed that it lowered Black-white and Hispanic-white income inequality, especially in the lowest-income ranges.[32] A 2025 report on reparations for New Jersey’s history of slavery and racial injustice included guaranteed income as one of its key recommendations, in addition to cash reparations to compensate for past injustices and baby bonds programs to reduce wealth inequality.[33]

Pathway 1: Building on Success

As noted above, New Jersey’s cash and cash-like assistance programs have made great progress towards their goals of reducing poverty, but gaps remain in their effectiveness due to the size of the benefits and state-based restrictions on the programs. Addressing each of these two issues can supercharge the poverty-fighting effects of these programs.

Increasing benefit amounts and eligibility

One of the lessons of the research around unrestricted cash is simple — increasing the amount of money given increases the poverty-fighting effects.[34] To that end, New Jersey can substantially increase the effectiveness of its existing programs by simply increasing the amount of money it spends.

Proposed Changes in Benefit Amount and Eligibility

Each of these changes takes a program with an existing track record of distributing cash or cash-like benefits directly to households and increases the benefit amount to more accurately reflect the cost of living in the state. Direct cash programs (Child Tax Credit, Earned Income Tax Credit, and Work First New Jersey) would see a doubling of their benefit amounts, with the Child Tax Credit extending up to ages 6 through 17 at a slightly lower credit amount, with a maximum of $1,500.

For SNAP, this proposal recommends an extra payment of $25 per person per month, including an increase in the minimum household SNAP payment. This would more than double the state investment in food and nutrition assistance programs, currently set at $154.7 million.[35]

These increases would put substantially more money into family pockets and budgets, without creating new programs or administrative barriers.

Reducing red tape
Another important lesson is the damage caused by the administrative burdens of applying for programs. In New Jersey, these obstacles fall into two categories:

  • Eligibility restrictions that exclude people from the program due to work, education, citizenship, or other requirements.
  • Application and paperwork hurdles that make it difficult for people to apply and receive support, even if they are eligible.[36]

 

Eligibility restrictions.
The work requirements of Work First New Jersey and SNAP are perhaps the most prominent, limiting access to benefits only if strict employment hours are maintained. But these are not the only restrictions. Due to changes in federal law, SNAP, for instance, will now exclude refugees, people seeking or granted asylum, trafficking victims, and many other legally present immigrants.[37] Many of these restrictions are federally based and cannot easily be changed by the state.

At the state level, New Jersey has made some policy decisions that make these restrictions more difficult. The Work First New Jersey program retains a legacy of prior program decisions that cut off the program from access. NJPP has long pushed for fixes to some of these restrictions, such as:

  • Eliminating barriers to participation for individuals taking college classes
  • Smoothing the “off-ramp” for families to reduce the cliff effect when benefits suddenly end, putting families back into economic insecurity
  • Aligning asset rules with other social safety net programs.[38]

 

Application and reporting hurdles.
New Jersey has taken strides to try to simplify the process, using a more streamlined online application. For SNAP, New Jersey has already used most of the flexibility available from the federal government to make the application easier for applicants, by extending eligibility certification windows and time limits, simplifying reporting, and enacting simplified eligibility.[39]

Nonetheless, one major obstacle to use of both programs is the uneven staffing levels and training at county social service agencies. County social service agencies are the main point of contact for applicants for programs such as SNAP or Work First New Jersey. As prior NJPP research has shown, low staffing levels at these agencies have led to higher caseloads, while low pay makes it difficult to retain staff.[40]

Application and paperwork challenges also remain for tax filing, which is required to obtain the Child and Earned Income Tax Credits. People and families who do not file state taxes end up missing out on critical payments, including people who live in poverty, who are Hispanic or Black, who are single parents, or who live in rural areas.[41] Even among people who do file, tax credit provision is not automatic, instead requiring additional work on the part of the tax filer to apply for the credit. As a result, nearly 1 in 5 New Jersey EITC-eligible households who filed federal taxes did not claim the credit.[42] A recent cut to the free federal tax filing program Direct File will make tax filing even more burdensome for low-income families.

Making the application process less difficult and more automatic will improve the effectiveness of the programs in getting money to households who need it most. It is perhaps unsurprising that people with the least money have the hardest time filling out government forms.[43]

Reducing red tape, combined with higher benefit amount, would ease life substantially for lower-income families trying to get by in New Jersey.

Pathway 2: The New Jersey Family Guarantee

The second pathway for New Jersey would be more life changing — to put the state on a path to provide a real child allowance and cut child poverty by half. Rather than simply expanding existing programs, this would set forth a new basic standard for all children in the state.

Put simply, the program would guarantee a $5,000 annual payment to all Medicaid-eligible children in New Jersey (roughly 150 percent of the federal poverty level) or whose births were covered by New Jersey’s Medicaid program for pregnant mothers (roughly 200 percent of the federal poverty level).[44] This would reach the more than 640,000 New Jersey children who receive Medicaid, roughly 1 in 3 children, including those eligible through the state-funded Cover All Kids program.[45]

The program would have a modest start, focused on a smaller age range (ages 0-3) and a lump-sum payment, laying the groundwork for a world where New Jersey children don’t face the economic chaos of deep poverty.

The $5,000 benefit amount is in line with prior efforts to determine the benefit needed to cut child poverty in half in New Jersey. In 2022, the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy estimated a $4,400 Child Tax Credit would reduce poverty by 50 percent, which adjusted for inflation, would now be worth more than $4,760.[46] The $3,600 expanded Child Tax Credit from 2021, which dramatically slashed child poverty nationally, would also be worth more than $4,250 in 2025 dollars.[47]

The program would start with a focus on the first three years of life — enrolling families during pregnancy and making them eligible for the $5,000 annual payment as a tax credit, building on the Child Tax Credit. This shares some similarities with the Rx Kids program in Michigan, which uses state TANF funds to provide a lump sum payment and subsequent monthly $500 payments to pregnant and new mothers.[48]

The program would also likely need a phase-out at higher income levels to avoid a “cliff effect,” when a raise in salary or income makes a family ineligible for benefits, leaving them with fewer resources despite gaining income.[49] For the purposes of this cost estimate, however, no phase-out was modeled to make the estimate as conservative as possible.

With each following year of the New Jersey Family Guarantee rollout, an additional year of life would be added to the eligibility range. This gradual increase would help control the cost and allow relevant departments to iron out challenges and address management concerns early on. Eligibility based on Medicaid-covered births would last through age 6, after which benefits would only go out if the child remained Medicaid-eligible.

Such a program would require government staff and systems to stand up. The program would require coordination between the state’s Department of Human Services, which runs the Medicaid program, and the Department of the Treasury, which administers the tax code. To make the process as seamless as possible, the departments would need to create new rules and agreements to protect people’s privacy when sharing information between agencies.

But at its core, the New Jersey Family Guarantee provides a framework for the state to stand as a leader in poverty reduction. No child born in New Jersey would need to go hungry or without the most basic needs if this proposal were fully funded.

Comparing the Proposals

Proposal 1 vs Proposal 2

The ramp-up to Path 1 would be substantially faster, with preexisting programs that can simply be increased in size. Path 2 would require more lead time to ensure seamless delivery of the benefit while limiting the administrative burden for applicants and state departments. Importantly, the New Jersey Family Guarantee would be free of federal application and eligibility restrictions that affect the Earned Income Tax Credit, Work First New Jersey, and SNAP, such as work or citizenship requirements.

Both programs also leave open the possibility of shifting to periodic payments more in line with monthly child allowances and guaranteed income pilots. Depending on whether a payment is received as a lump sum or monthly payment, families often change their spending behavior to reflect larger costs like car repairs or smaller recurring ones like groceries.[50] However, at the moment, recurring payments rather than lump-sum tax credit payments often trigger eligibility rules for other safety net programs such as Medicaid or housing assistance.[51]

As to the question of cost, these proposals are necessarily substantial investments. In order for these programs to make a real dent in poverty and hardship affecting as much as one-third to one-half of residents, the state must commit resources.

NJPP has previously proposed a list of revenue-raising policy changes that would generate sufficient revenue primarily from wealthy individuals and corporations to fund the larger of the two proposals.[52]

Although the price tags of $1.84 to $3.21 billion may seem high, state policymakers have seen fit in the past five years to send cash through tax credits for other kinds of recipients:

  • $4.88 billion in annual property tax credits, including $1.2 billion in Stay NJ credits and $2.43 billion in ANCHOR credits[53]
  • $249 million annually on film and digital media tax credits[54]
  • $500 million in artificial intelligence business tax credits[55]

 

Economic analysis has shown that for every $1 invested in a universal child allowance, society would see $10 in benefits in the long run due to higher future earnings, improved health, and reduced costs.[56] New Jersey’s investment in child poverty reduction would pay substantial dividends for residents now and in the future.

For policymakers looking to make New Jersey truly affordable for families trying to raise children in the state, both proposals offer pathways towards economic security and simply having enough to thrive.

Conclusion

From the Old Age Relief Act of 1931[57] to today’s modern tax credits, New Jersey has long led the nation in fighting poverty. We can lead again.

The federal government has abandoned working families.[58] As politicians and policymakers voice concerns about the affordability of raising a family in New Jersey,[59] these proposals offer a real solution — putting cash directly in families’ pockets to cover high living costs and help hundreds of thousands of children get healthy food, safe housing, and other basic needs.

As Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. said in 1967, “[t]he curse of poverty has no justification in our age.”[60] The sentiment was as true then as it is now. Wealth has only continued to grow while poverty remains stubbornly high.[61] In one of America’s wealthiest states, these plans could end the curse of child poverty, if policymakers are willing to make families a priority.


New Jersey Policy Perspective acknowledges the contributions of NJPP’s Crotty Fellow Kimberly Thomson, who researched and analyzed basic income proposals to model potential scenarios for New Jersey in 2021. New Jersey Policy Perspective also thanks the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy and the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities for their feedback and partnership in writing this report, as well as the Economic Security Project for its extensive background information on guaranteed income pilots and policy changes across the country.


End Notes

[1] U.S. Census Bureau, U.S. Department of Commerce. “Poverty Status in the Past 12 Months.” American Community Survey, ACS 1-Year Estimates Subject Tables, Table S1701, https://data.census.gov/table/ACSST1Y2023.S1701?q=child+poverty&g=040XX00US34. Accessed on 29 Jul 2025; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Office of the Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation, 2025 Poverty Guidelines: 48 Contiguous States (all states except Alaska and Hawaii) (2024),
https://aspe.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/documents/dd73d4f00d8a819d10b2fdb70d254f7b/detailed-guidelines-2025.pdf.

[2] Roosevelt, F. Annual Message (Four Freedoms) to Congress, Jan. 1941, available at https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/president-franklin-roosevelts-annual-message-to-congress.

[3] United Nations, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948, art. 25, https://www.un.org/en/about-us/universal-declaration-of-human-rights.

[4] Koebel, K. and Stabile, M., Child Benefits in an International Comparative Context, VoxEU.org, Jul. 17, 2024, https://cepr.org/voxeu/columns/child-benefits-international-comparative-context

[5] Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, By the Numbers: Harmful Republican Megabill Favors the Wealthy and Leaves Millions of Working Families Behind. Aug. 1, 2025. https://www.cbpp.org/sites/default/files/6-18-25health-policybrief.pdf

[6] Engel, K. and Posey, K., Household Income in States and Metropolitan Areas: 2023, U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey Briefs, ACSBR-023, Sept. 2024. https://www2.census.gov/library/publications/2024/demo/acsbr-023.pdf

[7] Compare U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis, Gross Domestic Product: All Industry Total in New Jersey [NJNGSP], retrieved from FRED, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis; https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/NJNGSP, July 29, 2025 with World Bank Group, GDP (current US$), https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.MKTP.CD?most_recent_value_desc=true, July 29, 2025.

[8] Prenatal-to-3 Policy Impact Center. Evidence Review: State Earned Income Tax Credit, Oct. 2024, https://pn3policy.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/10/PN3PIC_StateEITC_EvidenceReview_1024.pdf; Prenatal-to-3 Policy Impact Center. State Child Tax Credits: A Promising Policy To Improve Child Outcomes (2025). https://pn3policy.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/CTC-brief-3-31-25.pdf

[9] DeYoung, E., Castro, A., Tandon, N., & West, S., Guaranteed Income and Reconstructing Home: Housing, Parenting, and Educational Outcomes in Newark, New Jersey, University of Pennsylvania, Center for Guaranteed Income Research, Jun. 2025, https://upenn.app.box.com/v/CGIR-Report-Newark-NJ-2.

[10] Murphy, P., The State of New Jersey Budget in Brief, Summary of Budget Recommendations Fiscal Year 2026, Feb. 2025, https://www.nj.gov/treasury/omb/publications/26bib/BIB.pdf at 12. The $4.88 billion figure reflects the $4.28 billion budgeted for fiscal year 2026, along with another $600 million for a full year’s Stay NJ payment, as the fiscal year 2026 payment only reflects two quarters of payments.

[11] Duncan GJ, Ziol-Guest KM, Kalil A. Early-childhood poverty and adult attainment, behavior, and health. Child Dev. 2010 Jan-Feb;81(1):306-25. https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/20331669/

[12] Schmidt, K. et al., Society to cell: How child poverty gets “Under the Skin” to influence child development and lifelong health, Developmental Review vol. 61, Sep. 2021, 100983, https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0273229721000381

[13] Annie E. Casey Kids Count Data Center. Children in Poverty by Race and Ethnicity in United States: New Jersey. Sept. 2024. https://datacenter.aecf.org/data/tables/44-children-in-poverty-by-race-and-ethnicity?loc=1&loct=2#detailed/2/32/false/2545,1095,2048,1729,37,871,870,573,869,36/187,11,9,12,1,185,13/324,323

[14] National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine. (2019). A Roadmap to Reducing Child Poverty. Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: https://doi.org/10.17226/25246. P. 4

[15] Legal Services of New Jersey Policy Research Institute, True Poverty: What It Takes to Avoid Poverty and Deprivation in the Garden State. Jul. 2021. https://proxy.lsnj.org/rcenter/GetPublicDocument/00b5ccde-9b51-48de-abe3-55dd767a685a

[16] Economic Policy Institute. Family Budget Calculator. Accessed July 29, 2025. https://www.epi.org/resources/budget/ (based on Middlesex County, NJ).

[17] Burns, K., Fox, L., and Wilson, D. Expansions to Child Tax Credit Contributed to 46% Decline in Child Poverty Since 2020. U.S. Census Bureau. Sep. 2022. https://www.census.gov/library/stories/2022/09/record-drop-in-child-poverty.html.

[18] Burns, K., Wilson, D., and Fox, L. Two Rounds of Stimulus Payments Lifted 11.7 Million People Out of Poverty During the Pandemic in 2020. U.S. Census Bureau. Sept. 14, 2021. https://www.census.gov/library/stories/2021/09/who-was-lifted-out-of-poverty-by-stimulus-payments.html

[19] DeYoung, E., Castro, A., Tandon, N., & West, S., Guaranteed Income and Reconstructing Home: Housing, Parenting, and Educational Outcomes in Newark, New Jersey, University of Pennsylvania, Center for Guaranteed Income Research, Jun. 2025, https://upenn.app.box.com/v/CGIR-Report-Newark-NJ-2. DeYoung, E., Tandon, N., Neves, C., Castro, A., & West, S. (2023, December). The American Guaranteed Income Studies: Paterson, New Jersey. University of Pennsylvania Center for Guaranteed Income Research. https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5fdc101bc3cfda2dcf0a2244/t/664dea70834dfc74bc8643b6/1716382324073/CGIR%2BFinal%2BReport_Paterson%2BNJ_12.2023.pdf

[20] Akee, R. et al., Parents’ Incomes and Children’s Outcomes: A Quasi-experiment Using Transfer Payments from Casino Profits. American Econ. Journal: Applied Economics 2(1). Jan. 2010. https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/app.2.1.86; Bruckner, T.A., Bustos, B., Dodge, K.A. et al. Intergenerational effects of a casino-funded family transfer program on educational outcomes in an American Indian community. Nat Commun 15, 8168 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41467-024-52428-w.

[21] Burnside, A., The SNAP Hot Foods Ban Is Inequitable and Should Be Removed. Center for Law and Social Policy. May 2023. https://www.clasp.org/blog/the-snap-hot-foods-ban-is-inequitable-and-should-be-removed/.

[22] Floyd, I., et al. TANF Policies Reflect Racist Legacy of Cash Assistance. Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. Aug. 2021. https://www.cbpp.org/research/income-security/tanf-policies-reflect-racist-legacy-of-cash-assistance

[23] Tandon, N., West, S., DeYoung, E., Patel, H., Thompson, A., & Castro, A. (2025, June). The

American Guaranteed Income Studies: Newark, New Jersey, Lump-Sum vs. Recurring Cash

Transfers. University of Pennsylvania, Center for Guaranteed Income, https://upenn.app.box.com/v/CGIR-Report-Newark-NJ.

 

 

[24] Landry, J. Guaranteed Income In The Wild: Summarizing Evidence From Pilot Studies and

Implications for Policy. Jain Family Institute. Dec. 2024. https://jainfamilyinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/12/Guaranteed-Income-Pilot-Report-Jack-Landry-12.9.24.pdf pp. 16-17.

[25] Landry, J. Guaranteed Income In The Wild: Summarizing Evidence From Pilot Studies and

Implications for Policy. Jain Family Institute. Dec. 2024. https://jainfamilyinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/12/Guaranteed-Income-Pilot-Report-Jack-Landry-12.9.24.pdf pp. 12-14.

[26] New Jersey Treasury. Who Must File. May 2025. https://www.nj.gov/treasury/taxation/njit23.shtml

[27] Bergh, K., Nchako, C. and Nuñez, L. Worsening SNAP’s Harsh Work Requirement Would Take Food Assistance Away From Millions of Low-Income People. Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. Apr. 2025. https://www.cbpp.org/research/food-assistance/worsening-snaps-harsh-work-requirement-would-take-food-assistance-away; LaCarte, V., Hinkle, L., and Broberg, B. SNAP Access and Participation in

U.S.-Born and Immigrant Households: A Data Profile. Migration Policy Institute. Mar. 2023. https://www.migrationpolicy.org/research/snap-us-immigrant-households. Castro, R. Promoting Equal Opportunities for Children Living in Poverty. New Jersey Policy Perspective. Apr. 2020. https://www.njpp.org/publications/report/promoting-equal-opportunities-for-children-living-in-poverty/.

[28] Schweitzer, J. How To Address the Administrative Burdens of Accessing the Safety Net. Center for American Progress. May 2022. https://www.americanprogress.org/article/how-to-address-the-administrative-burdens-of-accessing-the-safety-net/.

[29] New Jersey Department of Human Services. Work First New Jersey: Using Your Benefits. Accessed July 29, 2025. https://www.nj.gov/humanservices/wfnj/recipients/benefits/

[30] Tax Policy Center. Briefing Book: How does the earned income tax credit affect poor families? Jan. 2024. https://taxpolicycenter.org/briefing-book/how-does-earned-income-tax-credit-affect-poor-families

[31] New Jersey State Health Assessment Data. Poverty among Children Under Five Years of Age by Race/Ethnicity, New Jersey, 2019-2023. Dec. 2024. https://www-doh.nj.gov/doh-shad/indicator/view/EPHT_LT5_pov.RE.html

[32] Hardy, B., & Hokayem, C. (2024). The Effects of the 2021 Child Tax Credit on Racial and Ethnic Inequalities in Well-Being. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 710(1), 157-171. https://doi.org/10.1177/00027162241265791 (Original work published 2023).

[33] New Jersey Reparations Council. For Such A Time As This: The Nowness of Reparations for Black People in New Jersey. Jun. 2025. https://www.njisj.org/print/njrcreport.pdf. Pp. 170-172.

[34] Lee, J., et al., Effects of the Expansion of the Earned Income Tax Credit for Childless Young Adults on Material Wellbeing. NBER Working Paper No. 32571. Jun. 2024. https://www.nber.org/papers/w32571

[35] Murphy, P. The State of New Jersey Budget in Brief, Summary of Budget Recommendations Fiscal Year 2026. Feb. 2025. https://www.nj.gov/treasury/omb/publications/26bib/BIB.pdf pp. 25-26.

[36] Moynihan D., Herd, P., Harvey, H. Administrative Burden: Learning, Psychological, and Compliance Costs of Citizen-State Interactions. Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory, Volume 25, Issue 1, January 2015, Pages 43-69, https://doi.org/10.1093/jopart/muu009. p. 51.

[37] Pub. L. No. 119-21, Sec. 10108 (2025).

[38] Castro, R. Promoting Equal Opportunities for Children Living in Poverty. New Jersey Policy Perspective. Apr. 2020. https://www.njpp.org/publications/report/promoting-equal-opportunities-for-children-living-in-poverty/

[39] U.S. Department of Agriculture, Food and Nutrition Service, Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, Program Development Division. State Operations Report 15th Edition. 2023. https://fns-prod.azureedge.us/sites/default/files/resource-files/snap-15th-state-options-report-october23.pdf

[40] Holom-Trundy, B., Understaffed and Underfunded: Barriers to Effective Anti-Poverty Assistance. New Jersey Policy Perspective and Communication Workers of America. Nov. 2024. https://www.njpp.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/NJPP-CWA_-Understaffed-and-Underfunded_-Barriers-to-Effective-Anti-Poverty-Assistance-2.pdf

[41] Nguyễn, N. Who Gets Credit? Understanding Family Barriers in Tax Credit Access. New America Foundation New Practice Lab. May 20, 2025. https://www.newamerica.org/new-practice-lab/blog/easier-tax-credits-improves-family-well-being/

[42] Internal Revenue Service. EITC Participation Rate By States: Tax Years 2014 Through 2022. Apr. 9, 2025. https://www.eitc.irs.gov/eitc-central/participation-rate-by-state/eitc-participation-rate-by-states

[43] Herd, Pamela, and Donald Moynihan. 2025. “Administrative Burdens in the Social Safety Net.” Journal of Economic Perspectives 39 (1): 129–50. https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/pdf/10.1257/jep.20231394 at 133.

[44] New Jersey Department of Human Services. Medicaid Communication No. 25-03. Feb. 28, 2025. https://www.nj.gov/humanservices/dmahs/info/resources/medicaid/2025/25-03%20Income%20Eligibility%20Standards%20Effective%20January%201,%202025.pdf

[45] New Jersey Department of Human Services. New Jersey FamilyCare Monthly Enrollment Report. Jun. 2025. https://www.nj.gov/humanservices/dmahs/news/reports/enrollment_2025_06.pdf p. 2. Kaiser Family Foundation. Medicaid in New Jersey. May 2025. https://files.kff.org/attachment/fact-sheet-medicaid-state-NJ

[46] Davis, A. State Child Tax Credits and Child Poverty: A 50-State Analysis. Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy. Nov. 16, 2022. https://itep.org/state-child-tax-credits-and-child-poverty-50-state-analysis/. Bureau of Labor Statistics, CPI Inflation Calculator. Accessed July 29, 2025. https://data.bls.gov/cgi-bin/cpicalc.pl?cost1=4400&year1=202211&year2=202506

[47] Bureau of Labor Statistics, CPI Inflation Calculator. Accessed July 29, 2025. https://data.bls.gov/cgi-bin/cpicalc.pl?cost1=3600&year1=202107&year2=202506

[48] Hanna, M. and Shaefer, L. Results from the Maternal Wellbeing Research Study. Rx Kids. https://rxkids.org/impact/research-brief/

[49] National Conference of State Legislatures. Introduction to Benefits Cliffs and Public Assistance Programs. Dec. 27, 2024. https://www.ncsl.org/human-services/introduction-to-benefits-cliffs-and-public-assistance-programs

[50] Parolin, Zachary, Elizabeth Ananat, Sophie Collyer, Megan Curran, and Christopher Wimer. 2023. The effects of the monthly and lump-sum Child Tax Credit Payments on food and housing hardship. American Economic Association Papers and Proceedings, vol. 113: 406-412. doi: 10.1257/pandp.20231088

[51] Economic Security Project & Shriver Center on Poverty Law. Guaranteed Income: States Lead the Way in Reimagining the Social Safety Net. April 2022. https://economicsecurityproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/States_Lead_the_Way.pdf

[52] Chen, P. Fair and Square: Changing New Jersey’s Tax Code to Promote Equity and Fiscal Responsibility. New Jersey Policy Perspective. Nov. 14, 2024. https://www.njpp.org/publications/report/fair-and-square-changing-new-jerseys-tax-code-to-promote-equity-and-fiscal-responsibility/

[53] Murphy, P., The State of New Jersey Budget in Brief, Summary of Budget Recommendations Fiscal Year 2026, Feb. 2025, https://www.nj.gov/treasury/omb/publications/26bib/BIB.pdf at 12.

[54] State of New Jersey. Tax Expenditure Report Fiscal Year 2026. 2025. https://www.nj.gov/treasury/taxation/pdf/taxexpenditurereport2025.pdf, p. 10.

[55] New Jersey P.L. 2024, c. 49. https://pub.njleg.gov/Bills/2024/PL24/49_.HTM

[56] Ananat, E., and Garfinkel, I. The Potential Long-Run Implications of a Permanently-Expanded Child Tax Credit. NBER Working Paper No. 32870. Aug. 2024. https://www.nber.org/papers/w32870.

[57] New Jersey Laws of 1931, c. 219. Text available at https://njlaw.rutgers.edu/cgi-bin/diglib.cgi?collect=njleg&file=155&page=0530&zoom=120

[58] Hanauer, A. GOP Megabill Breaks America’s Promise to Future Generations. Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy. Jul. 10, 2025. https://itep.org/gop-megabill-breaks-americas-promise-future-generations/

[59] Nikita Biryukov. Here’s how the Democrats running to be governor say they’ll make New Jersey more affordable. New Jersey Monitor. May 29, 2025. https://newjerseymonitor.com/2025/05/29/heres-how-the-democrats-running-to-be-governor-say-theyll-make-new-jersey-more-affordable/; Economic Policy Institute. Family Budget Calculator. Accessed July 29, 2025. https://www.epi.org/resources/budget/ (based on Middlesex County, NJ)

[60] King, M. Where Do We Go From Here: Chaos or Community? 1967. P. 175. https://archive.org/details/82818file/page/n3/mode/1up

[61] Columbia Population Research Center and Center on Poverty and Social Policy at Columbia University. New Jersey: Anchored SPM Poverty Trends 1967-2014. https://povertycenter.columbia.edu/sites/povertycenter.columbia.edu/files/content/Publications/Poverty%20in%20the%2050%20states/New-Jersey-Anchored-SPM-Trends.pdf

Sleepwalking into Catastrophe

Throughout the budget process — from Governor Murphy's proposal to the public hearings to the revenue projections — one major threat loomed over state lawmakers: the federal reconciliation bill’s cuts to Medicaid, food assistance, and other critical programs. Given their public statements opposing these cuts, the state budget should have been an opportunity to build defenses against these cuts, begin raising revenues from wealthy individuals and corporations, and avoid short-term giveaways.

Instead, the budget process went on autopilot. Leaders cut back revenue increases and dipped deeper into the state's cash reserves, as though there would be no federal cuts at all. As has happened in prior years, new expansions in corporate tax credits sailed through committee hearings while the expensive Stay NJ senior homeowner subsidy was preserved without even modest changes to reduce its overall cost to the state. The budget also continued the unfortunate tradition of using dedicated funds to patch one-year budget gaps, including an expanded raid of the Clean Energy Fund to fund both New Jersey Transit’s general operating expenses and the General Fund.

This budget could and should have been a moment of courage — a governor’s final budget, a legislature that has stated its desire to protect the state’s residents from devastating cuts. But instead, the state’s leaders delayed any preparation for federal cuts until after they had already become law. The difficult decisions will not be easier later.

Below is a short summary of NJPP’s budget priorities and their final status in the Appropriations Act.

NJPP FY26 Budget Priority

Was it included in the Governor’s Budget?

Protect the surplus and close the deficit  Partially Included. The projected annual budget shortfall has been reduced from $2.1 billion in the FY 2025 budget bill to $1.5 billion through some tax increases and budget cuts. The budget bill retains cash reserves of nearly $6.8 billion, but still cuts deeper into the reserves to pay basic expenses.
Fully fund pensions
and schools
 Yes. The governor and legislature continued the state’s commitment to fully funding pensions and the K-12 school funding formula.
Raise revenues to balance
the budget
 Partially Included. The final state budget does include increases in revenue, including the increase in fees on property sales over $2 million and increased taxes on online gambling. However, these increases raise less money than the governor’s original proposals, leading to the budget drawing more heavily on cash reserves.
Maintain StayNJ’s guardrails, specifically the original spending rules that require a healthy budget surplus  No. StayNJ, an expensive subsidy program that disproportionately benefits wealthy senior homeowners, requires a 12 percent surplus target before payments can go out. This budget continues to fund StayNJ and assumes payments will go out in 2026, even though the surplus is now well below 12 percent.
Maintain funding for services for immigrants  Yes. Thankfully, the proposal preserves funding levels for programs such as Cover All Kids, which provides health insurance for children regardless of immigration status, and legal services for immigrant adults and children. The budget also doubles funding for the Office of New Americans, which connects immigrants to services for which they or their families may be eligible.
Expand and improve
tax credits for working
families
 No. Unfortunately, the final budget included no expansion of the Child Tax Credit or Earned Income Tax Credit to help working families afford the increasing cost of living in the state.
Increase benefits in WorkFirst NJ to reduce poverty  No. Similarly, there was no expansion of the benefit amount for WorkFirst NJ, which provides cash assistance to low-income households.
Expand affordable health insurance options  Partially Included. As noted above, the budget continued to fund Cover All Kids, dedicating $165 million to the program to keep pace with enrollment. However, there were no other proposals to expand access or eligibility to state-funded health insurance programs.
Keep the Corporate Transit
Fee funding transit
 Yes. Corporate Transit Fee funds were directed only to New Jersey Transit and not to the general fund or footing the bill for other programs.
Use the Clean Energy Fund
only for clean energy projects
 No. In fact, lawmakers expanded the raids on the Clean Energy Fund to over $190m to be used for basic New Jersey Transit operations and to the General Fund.
End predatory prison communication fees  No. The budget did not include any funding to reduce or eliminate the cost of prison communication fees, leaving families to bear the $15 million burden of communicating with their incarcerated loved ones.

All citations to the Appropriations Act (A-5800/S-2026) and Scoresheet unless otherwise indicated.

To learn more about policy solutions that NJPP recommends to build a more equitable state, read Blueprint for a Strong and Resilient New Jersey.

 

Course Correction: Preserving Senior Housing Affordability While Cutting Costs

Every New Jerseyan deserves to age with dignity, stability, and the ability to remain in their community — no matter their income or housing status. The state has a responsibility to ensure that people aged 65 and over on fixed incomes aren’t pushed out of their homes simply because they can’t afford their housing costs. At the same time, New Jersey must steward its public dollars wisely, prioritizing investments that advance equity and support those most in need.

Unfortunately, the much-discussed Stay NJ proposal to subsidize senior homeowners disproportionately benefits wealthy homeowners, fails to assist senior renters, and costs the state more than a billion dollars annually, with no new revenue source.[1]

This report offers a course correction for policymakers to preserve the intent of Stay NJ to keep senior residents in their homes by focusing resources on those who need help the most and improving the sustainability of the program. The report models the following proposed changes to the program:

  1. Lower income limits and maximum benefit amounts to focus the program on low- and moderate-income senior households.
  2. Double the existing senior renter tax credit for seniors from $700 to $1,400.

By refocusing the program on those most likely to experience housing insecurity and adjusting benefit levels for wealthier households, New Jersey can deliver targeted relief without exceeding its budget capacity. The state can also correct for the exclusion of senior renters from Stay NJ, who are much more likely to suffer from housing insecurity and high housing cost burdens than homeowners.[2]

Untangling NJ’s Property Tax Credits

New Jersey has multiple, often-overlapping, property tax benefit programs, but this report focuses on two:

  • Affordable New Jersey Communities for Homeowners and Renters (ANCHOR) provides homeowners and renters with set property tax credits, ranging from $450 to $1,500, depending on age and an income cap of $150,000.
  • Stay NJ is a new program that will provide homeowners aged 65 and above with a property tax credit worth 50 percent of their property tax bill up to $6,500, with an income cap of $500,000. Stay NJ is scheduled to begin paying out benefits in February 2026.[3]

For more information on these programs, see the New Jersey Division of Taxation website: https://www.nj.gov/treasury/taxation/relief.shtml.

Congress seems poised to provide significant tax breaks to the wealthiest in the country, which could substantially decrease revenue in New Jersey.[4] Meanwhile, many of the proposed federal budget cuts will harm our low-income neighbors in the state. For New Jersey to be a place where everyone can thrive, policymakers must make budget decisions that support households most in need and reduce spending on the already-wealthy, many of whom will likely benefit from the federal tax cuts.

Accordingly, New Jersey Policy Perspective recommends two targeted reforms to better align Stay NJ with the state’s fiscal and equity goals.

Proposal 1: Lower income limits and maximum benefit amounts, focusing on low- and moderate-income senior households

Two modest adjustments to the program’s design would substantially reduce its cost while ensuring that benefits reach low- and middle-income households:

  • Reduce the maximum eligible income to $150,000 from $500,000, consistent with the ANCHOR property tax relief program.[5] This prevents the government from subsidizing the top 20 percent of household incomes with hundreds of millions of dollars.
  • Lower the maximum benefit from $6,500 to $5,000.[6] This puts the benefit more in line with the state’s average property tax bill and prevents the state from subsidizing higher-value homes, which tend to have higher property tax bills.

 

These two changes would cut the cost of Stay NJ by $520 million, nearly half its
projected cost.[7]

Importantly, by focusing on reducing the subsidy for wealthier homeowners, this proposal achieves 70 percent of its cost savings by reducing state subsidies going to residents in the top 20 percent of incomes.

Changes to Stay NJ Can Lower State Costs

These reforms would preserve most of the benefits for moderate-income households while phasing out subsidies for higher-income homeowners. However, because benefits are based on a percentage of property tax amounts, which correlate with home values, benefits would still skew toward those with higher property wealth.[8]

These examples illustrate how this proposal would affect different households.

Proposed Stay NJ Changes Focus Benefit on Middle- and Low-Income Households

Under the proposal, Henrietta, a low-income senior with modest property taxes, would see no change in her final tax bill. Isaiah and Jonas, with a higher income and above-average property taxes, would receive a reduced but still substantial benefit. Meanwhile, Kevin and Liza, who have a high income and substantial property wealth, would no longer qualify for a Stay NJ benefit.

Proposal 2: Double the ANCHOR renter benefit for seniors from $700 to $1,400

The current Stay NJ program only benefits people aged 65 and over who own their homes. This restriction of benefits to homeowners is not necessary. Other state property tax benefit programs do provide senior renters benefits: for example, renters aged 65 and older can receive enhanced ANCHOR benefits of $700, a modest increase from the $450 benefit available to renters under age 65.

Senior renters face serious housing insecurity challenges, putting them at higher risk of housing insecurity than senior homeowners. More than 1 in 4 seniors in New Jersey rent but would receive no new benefit from Stay NJ, including over half of Hispanic/Latinx and Black seniors.[10] Nationally, the poverty rate is twice as high for senior renters as for senior homeowners.[11] Renters also have significantly less wealth than their home-owning peers,[12] and nearly 1 in 4 senior renters in New Jersey report it is “very likely” they will lose their home to eviction.[13] However, because StayNJ excludes renters, who represent a substantial percentage of New Jersey’s senior population facing housing insecurity, the proposal fails to support the very people most at risk of losing their homes.

Despite this financial pressure and housing insecurity, Stay NJ limits renters to the $700 ANCHOR benefit, compared to the $6,500 maximum benefit available to homeowners.

At a cost of roughly one-tenth of the entire program ($149 million), doubling the ANCHOR benefit would provide targeted support to low- and moderate-income renters, with nearly 70 percent of the benefits going to households with an annual income of less than $62,000.

Conclusion: A Responsible Path Forward

With the state still facing a $1 billion structural deficit and a shrinking surplus,[14] state policymakers should exercise prudence regarding new spending programs. As New Jersey contends with the possibility of a recession and cuts in federal funding, it must ensure that state funding is directed toward residents who need it most — not to already-wealthy households.

These recommendations offer policymakers a way to refine Stay NJ without abandoning its core intent. While they don’t fix the program’s underlying design flaws, they make it more equitable and fiscally responsible by reducing costs and targeting relief to the seniors most at risk of losing their homes — especially renters, who currently receive the least support. In a challenging fiscal environment, this is a practical and balanced way to preserve the program’s goals.


End Notes

[1] Testimony of Peter Chen, Senior Policy Analyst, New Jersey Policy Perspective, Before Stay NJ Task Force, March 13, 2024, https://www.njpp.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/NJPP-StayNJ-Committee-Testimony-03-13-24.pdf

[2] Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University, Housing America’s Older Adults 2023 (2023), p. 16, https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/sites/default/files/reports/files/Harvard_JCHS_Housing_Americas_Older_Adults_2023_Revised_040424.pdf

[3] N.J. Stat. Sec. 54:4-8.75e5.a.(1) (2025).

[4] Lilo H. Stainton, What GOP’s Medicaid Cuts Could Cost NJ, New Jersey Spotlight News, May 20, 2025, https://www.njspotlightnews.org/2025/05/nj-calculates-massive-cost-of-republican-led-medicaid-cuts/

[5] N.J. Stat. Sec. 54:4-8.75b2. For the ANCHOR eligibility threshold, see N.J. Stat. Sec. 54:4-8.61a.

[6] N.J. Stat. Sec. 54:4-8.75c.

[7] NJPP analysis of tax modeling from Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy, 2025.

[8] Testimony of Peter Chen, Senior Policy Analyst, New Jersey Policy Perspective, Before Stay NJ Task Force, March 13, 2024, https://www.njpp.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/NJPP-StayNJ-Committee-Testimony-03-13-24.pdf

[9] New Jersey Department of Community Affairs, 2024 Property Tax Information: Municipal Tax Summary (2025) https://www.nj.gov/dca/dlgs/resources/Property_Tax/24_data/24taxes.xls.

[10] U.S. Census Bureau, U.S. Department of Commerce. “Tenure by Age of Householder.” American Community Survey, ACS 1-Year Estimates Detailed Tables, Table B25007, 2023, https://data.census.gov/table/ACSDT1Y2023.B25007?q=age+tenure&g=040XX00US34. Accessed on May 15, 2025.

[11] Diane Elliott, More Than Shelter: How Housing Affordability Is Linked to Older Americans’ Health, Population Reference Bureau, April 9, 2024, https://www.prb.org/articles/more-than-shelter-how-housing-affordability-is-linked-to-older-americans-health/

[12] Jung Hyun Choi, Amalie Zinn, The Wealth Gap Between Homeowners and Renters Has Reached a Historic High, Urban Institute, April 29, 2024, https://www.urban.org/urban-wire/wealth-gap-between-homeowners-and-renters-has-reached-historic-high

[13] U.S. Census Bureau, Household Pulse Survey, Cycle 09, Housing Table 3b. Likelihood of Having to Leave this House in Next Two Months Due to Eviction, by Select Characteristics: New Jersey, Oct. 3, 2024, https://www2.census.gov/programs-surveys/demo/tables/hhp/2024/cycle09/housing3b_cycle09.xlsx.

[14] Nikita Biryukov, Budget experts tell lawmakers revenue projections are up, but there’s no windfall, New Jersey Monitor, May 14, 2025, https://newjerseymonitor.com/2025/05/14/budget-experts-tell-lawmakers-revenue-projections-are-up-but-theres-no-windfall/

The Economic and Fiscal Impacts of Mass Deportation: What’s at Risk in New Jersey

This report was co-authored by David Dyssegaard Kallick, Director of the Immigration Research Initiative and Shamier Settle, Senior Policy Analyst at the Immigration Research Initiative.

The Trump Administration has intensified efforts to deport immigrants, seeking to remove them from their communities across the country. In addition to causing serious social and humanitarian harm, these deportation efforts pose significant and quantifiable economic risks to New Jersey. 

Deporting Immigrants Will Cost New Jersey State and Local Governments

New Jersey is home to approximately 2.3 million immigrants, nearly one in four residents, who contribute significantly to the state’s economic vitality and community life. Of these residents, about 993,000 are non-citizens,[1] including an estimated 475,000 who are undocumented.[2] Despite their integral roles in society and the economy, these residents face increasing threats from intensified immigration enforcement. The potential economic and humanitarian costs of mass deportations are profound.

  • In 2022, people who are undocumented paid an estimated $1.3 billion in New Jersey state and local taxes.[3]
  • Deporting 475,000 people who are undocumented from New Jersey poses enormous logistical challenges. Even if just one in ten undocumented individuals were deported or placed into detention, it would lead to a loss of $133 million in state and local tax revenue each year. This is the cost of 295,000 free school meals in New Jersey public schools.[4]
  • These projected impacts underestimate the actual loss since they do not include the disruption to businesses and communities from conducting raids, the harm to families who lose a breadwinner, and the costs to the foster care system when children lose their parents.
  • Since people who are undocumented are excluded from many public benefits, there will be minimal state and local cost savings from deportation. However, there will be new costs to state and local governments associated with deportation and detention.

 

Rescinding Status and Restricting Immigration Will Hurt the New Jersey Economy

New Jersey stands to face significant losses as the Trump Administration revokes temporary status for immigrants, drastically alters asylum policies, and shuts down refugee resettlement. These changes threaten to destabilize communities, shrink the workforce, and weaken key sectors of the state’s economy.

  • An estimated 13,000 active DACA (Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals) recipients are at risk in New Jersey.[5] These individuals arrived in the U.S. as children and have lived their entire lives here. While DACA allows them to work legally, they live in limbo — contributing to the economy without a path to permanent status and now in fear of deportation.
  • Temporary work visa programs are also threatened, including H-1B visas for highly skilled workers and H-2A visas for seasonal agricultural labor. Eliminating these programs without reforms or alternatives would leave many New Jersey employers — especially in agriculture, tech, and health care — struggling to fill essential roles.

 

Where New Jersey’s Economy and Daily Life Are Most at Risk

Mass deportation generates widespread fear and presents unpredictable threats to the New Jersey economy. In New Jersey, the deportation of 475,000 undocumented immigrants would result in the loss of approximately 42,000 jobs held by U.S.-born workers.[6]

  • A loss of large numbers of workers from the labor force would mean an increase in the cost of living for New Jerseyans who will pay more for restaurants, child care, home health aides, construction, and more. Because immigrants are often underpaid, there will be a significant shortage of workers and costs will rise.
  • A labor supply shortage will force businesses to shrink an already tight labor market. In March 2025, the unemployment rate was relatively low at 4.7 percent, meaning employers are already struggling to find workers.[7] Removing workers from the labor force will worsen this problem.
  • Deporting undocumented workers would result in a decline in the number of jobs for U.S.-born workers.[8] This happens for several reasons:
    • Lower consumer demand: When immigrants leave, their spending disappears, reducing demand for local goods and services.
    • Fewer complementary workers: Fewer cooks and dishwashers mean fewer waiter jobs and fewer construction laborers mean fewer construction managers.
    • Decline in care workers: With fewer caregivers available, young parents may struggle to work, leading to lower overall labor force participation.

 

Several sectors of New Jersey’s economy are particularly vulnerable to immigration rollbacks and mass deportation policies, including:

Restaurants: Restaurants heavily depend on immigrant labor, particularly in critical roles like food preparation and sanitation. In New Jersey, 48 percent of the cooks are immigrants. The loss of these workers would create severe staffing shortages, force closures or reduce operations in restaurants, and negatively impact other roles, such as servers and managers. Central to local economies and community social life, the restaurant industry would experience rising costs and diminished service capacity.

Personal, home, and office: Personal service roles — including janitors, landscapers, nail technicians, and housekeeping staff —are predominantly filled by immigrant workers.[9] In New Jersey, immigrants represent 46 percent of janitorial staff and 74 percent of housekeeping personnel. Mass deportations would lead to acute labor shortages in these often underrecognized positions, affecting both households and commercial establishments. Consequently, costs for such services would increase, impacting family budgets and businesses statewide.

Construction: The construction sector employs approximately 112,000 immigrants in New Jersey, representing 36 percent of the industry’s workforce.[10] A significant reduction of immigrant workers in construction would exacerbate labor shortages, raise construction costs, and dramatically increase costs at a time when New Jersey faces a crisis in housing availability and affordability.

Farming: Immigrants make up over half of all U.S. crop workers, with most either undocumented or seasonal H-2A workers,[11] both groups now at risk under the new administration’s policies. New Jersey’s agricultural sector — known for its nursery stock, cranberries, vegetables, and other exports—plays a key role in rural economies and agritourism. Even a 5 to 10 percent reduction in immigrant labor would lead to food shortages, higher food prices for families, and unsustainable labor costs for farmers.

New Jersey’s Economy Needs Our Immigrant Friends and Neighbors

Immigrant workers are a vital part of our workforce and a valuable part of New Jersey’s culture and community. They support our daily lives, provide jobs, and strengthen our state economy. There are policies that can make their lives better and enhance their contribution to our communities.

  • Make it possible for people who are undocumented to gain legal status, which would increase state and local tax revenues by $332.5 million.[12]
  • Improve the visa programs since they leave workers vulnerable to exploitation and can have adverse impacts on other workers.
  • Implement stronger labor protections and increase wages for domestic and farm workers.

 

The presidential administration might try to deceive the public by claiming that deporting immigrants will benefit the economy, but the facts speak louder: immigrants are vital to the prosperity, stability, and success of New Jersey and its residents.

Citation: David Kallick, Shamier Settle, and Marleina Ubel, May 2025, The Economic and Fiscal Impacts of Mass Deportation: What’s at Risk in New Jersey

About the Authors

David Dyssegaard Kallick is the Director of Immigration Research Initiative.

Shamier Settle is a Senior Policy Analyst at Immigration Research Initiative.

Marleina Ubel is a Senior Policy Analyst at New Jersey Policy Perspective.

The authors would like to thank Emily Eisner, Andrew Perry, and Nathan Gusdorf of the Fiscal Policy Institute, who, with David Dyssegaard Kallick, co-authored a similar report in New York State that was jointly published by the Fiscal Policy Institute and the Immigration Research Initiative.


End Notes 

[1] Non-citizens refer to individuals who are not U.S. citizens, including green card holders, undocumented people, and those at risk of losing their immigration status. This group also includes individuals eligible for Temporary Protected Status (TPS), DACA recipients, H1-B and H2-A visa holders, asylum seekers, and others facing potential deportation or status removal.

[2] For the number of immigrants, non-citizen immigrants, and the estimate of immigrants who are undocumented, see the Immigration Research Initiative fact sheet, “50 States: Immigrants by Number and Share.” The number of immigrants and non-citizen immigrants is an IRI analysis of the 2023 ACS. The number of immigrants who are undocumented is estimated by the Pew Research Center based on the 2022 ACS. The fact sheet gives parallel estimates from the Center for Migration Studies (2022 ACS) and the Migration Policy Institute (2019 5-year data).

[3] Davis, et al. “Tax Payments by Undocumented Immigrants,” Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy, July 30, 2024. https://itep.org/undocumented-immigrants-taxes-2024/

[4] Using high rate and total federal and state reimbursement rates, which estimate $4.52 per lunch. https://www-agr.state.nj.us/AG_SNEARS2/api/resourcesManagement/download?id=2863

[5] “Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) Data Tools,” Migration Policy Institute. https://www.migrationptpstolicy.org/programs/data-hub/deferred-action-childhood-arrivals-daca-profiles

[6] East, et al. “The Labor Market Effects of Immigration Enforcement,” Journal of Labor Economics, vol 41, number 4. This work is summarized in an accessible fashion by Chloe N. East in “The Labor Market Impact of Deportations,” The Hamilton Project, Sept. 18, 2024. The study finds that for every 500,000 people deported, 44,000 U.S.-born people lose their jobs. We are rounding to the nearest thousand.

[7] U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Unemployment Rates for States, https://www.bls.gov/web/laus/laumstrk.htm

[8] East, et al. “The Labor Market Effects of Immigration Enforcement,” Journal of Labor Economics, vol 41, number 4. This work is summarized in an accessible fashion by Chloe N. East in “The Labor Market Impact of Deportations,” The Hamilton Project, Sept. 18, 2024. The study finds that for every 500,000 people deported, 44,000 U.S.-born people lose their jobs. We are rounding to the nearest thousand.

[9] Nail technicians include manicurists and pedicurists.

[10] The occupation “painters” also includes paperhangers.

[11] Gutiérrez-Li, Alejandro. “Feeding America: How Immigrants Sustain US Agriculture,” Baker Institute for Public Policy, July 19, 2024. https://www.bakerinstitute.org/research/feeding-america-how-immigrants-sustain-us-agriculture

[12] Davis, et al. “Tax Payments by Undocumented Immigrants,” Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy, July 30, 2024. https://itep.org/undocumented-immigrants-taxes-2024/

New Jersey Pensions Are the Least Generous in the U.S. For New Teachers

Every child deserves a high-quality education, and every teacher who dedicates their career to this mission deserves financial security in retirement. Yet, in New Jersey, new teachers are getting a raw deal. As the state struggles with a growing teacher shortage, one major barrier to recruitment and retention is compensation — not just salaries, but also retirement benefits.

Compared to states with similar pension programs, New Jersey’s retirement benefits for newly hired teachers are the least generous in the nation. Among the 38 states with defined benefit pension plans for public school teachers, New Jersey ranks dead last. This is largely due to a combination of policy choices: a low “benefit factor” (the percentage of salary that accrues toward a pension each year), a high retirement age, a long vesting period, a lengthy average salary calculation period, and the absence of cost-of-living adjustments.

These shortfalls stem from policy changes made in 2011 through Chapter 78, which created a new pension tier (Tier 5) for teachers hired after that year. These changes raised contribution rates, increased the retirement age, and cut the value of benefits — leaving today’s teachers with the weakest defined benefit pension plans in the country.

If New Jersey wants to attract and retain the highly qualified, diverse educator workforce that students deserve, the state must reform its pension system. Eliminating Tier 5 and restoring fairer benefits would bring the state closer in line with national standards and help ensure that the teachers shaping our future can retire with dignity.

Background

Like many other states, New Jersey is facing a teacher shortage.[1] As the New Jersey Policy Perspective (NJPP) has reported, the state now enrolls significantly fewer teacher candidates in preparation programs than it did a decade ago, signaling an alarming trend in the educator pipeline.[2] Compensation remains a major obstacle to attracting and retaining teachers, with research consistently showing that lower pay and weaker benefits reduce recruitment and retention.[3]

Teacher Retirement Plan Types

·    Defined Benefit: Employees contribute a percentage of their income throughout their careers and receive a guaranteed benefit upon retirement. Defined benefit plans are what are typically thought of as “pensions.”

·    Defined Contribution: Both employees and employers contribute to the plan, but the retirement benefit is not predetermined. Instead, the final amount depends on contributions and investment performance. These plans function similarly to 401(k)s in the private sector.

·    Hybrid: Plans that combine elements of both defined benefit and defined contribution plans. Hybrid plans often have a defined benefit component that requires relatively smaller contributions than full defined benefit plans, but also have a smaller benefit factor.

Strong retirement benefits can help offset lower salaries by increasing overall compensation; however, New Jersey’s pension system has moved in the opposite direction. Over the last decade, teachers have paid more into their pensions while receiving less in return.

Chapter 78, passed in 2011, not only increased employee contribution rates to record highs but also created a new pension tier, “Tier 5,” for teachers hired after June 2011. [4] Compared to earlier tiers, Tier 5 raised the normal retirement age and lowered the benefit factor — the amount a pension grows with each year of service as a percentage of a teacher’s final salary. As a result, Chapter 78 hits new teachers the hardest, just as the state needs more qualified workers to consider entering and staying in the profession.

In 2017, NJPP published a report quantifying the damage caused by Chapter 78, finding that New Jersey’s pensions were already among the least generous in the country. [5]  This updated analysis, using refined methods and the most recent data, finds that little has changed. Without action to address the state’s inadequate retirement benefits for new teachers, New Jersey will continue to struggle to attract and retain the high-quality educators its students deserve.

Ranking Pension Generosity

Retirement programs for teachers vary widely between states, making direct comparisons complex. However, there are various factors many plans have in common. This report compares these factors and ranks their relative value for plan members. It then weighs each factor and averages a state’s rank to arrive at a final grade. Further details can be found in the Appendix.

There are three main types of teacher pensions: defined benefit, defined contribution, and hybrid (see box above). Figure 1 shows that most teacher retirement plans for recent members are defined benefit plans, although several states have moved to hybrid plans. Since defined contribution plans introduce market variables that complicate direct comparisons, this analysis focuses exclusively on the 38 states with defined benefit plans, including New Jersey.

New Jersey Has a "Defined Benefit" Pension Plan For Teachers Like Most States

Defined benefit plans have six major factors in common that affect their generosity:

  1. Benefit Factor: The percentage of a salary accrued annually toward the pension and the key factor of a pension’s payout (see below).
  2. Contribution Rate: The percentage of a salary that must be contributed.
  3. Average Salary Determination: The salary used to calculate benefits.
  4. Vesting Period: The number of years required before pension benefits are guaranteed.
  5. Normal Retirement Age: The earliest age at which a teacher can receive benefits without penalty.
  6. Cost of Living Allowance (COLA): The increases to the benefit to account for inflation.

 

Since the benefit factor and contribution rate directly affect a teacher’s benefits, they are weighted twice as heavily as the other four factors when determining a final grade.

Findings

Benefit Factor

Pension benefits follow a basic formula to determine a benefit:

Benefit Factor x Years Employed x Average Salary Determination = Benefit[6]

The benefit factor — sometimes called the retirement multiplier — is the percentage of an employee’s average salary they receive as a pension benefit for every year employed. For example, a teacher who works for 30 years and has a final average salary of $100,000 would receive a pension plan of $30,000 with a benefit factor of 1.0:

1.0 (benefit factor, divided by 100) x 30 (years) x $100,000 (salary) = $30,000

With a benefit factor of 2.0, their pension benefit would double:

2.0 (benefit factor, divided by 100) x 30 (years) x $100,000 (salary) = $60,000

A higher benefit factor means a larger pension benefit. Relative to other states, New Jersey’s benefit factor for new teachers is quite small — ranking sixth lowest among the 38 states with a 1.67 benefit factor.[7]

New Jersey's Pension Benefit Factor is Among the Lowest in the Nation

Contribution Rate

Teachers’ pensions have two funding sources: employer contributions from state or local revenues and employee contributions from teachers’ paychecks. Higher contribution rates mean that teachers pay more for their pensions. At 7.5 percent, New Jersey’s contribution rate ranks in the middle at 18th out of 38.

New Jersey's Teacher Pension Contribution Rate is Typical

Average Salary Determination

Pension benefits are calculated as a percentage of a teacher’s average salary. The average is based on some number of years when the teacher’s salary was highest. Because most teachers earn more at the end of their careers, and because their salary goes up each year, an average salary determination based on fewer years leads to a higher benefit than a salary based on more years.

As an example: A teacher in 2020 makes $80,000, and her salary increases by 2 percent each year. The average of her last five years is $83,265; however, the average of her last three years is $84,908. A pension based on a three-year average is, therefore, larger than a pension based on a five-year average. In other words, more generous pensions have average salary determinations based on smaller numbers of years.

Average Salary Determinations based on fewers years lead to better pensions: An example.

Currently, New Jersey uses five years to determine the average salary, which puts our state tied with 20 other states in terms of average salary determination. Fifteen states use a lower number of years, and two use a higher number of years.

New Jersey Has a Longer Than Average Salary Determination Period Than Most States

Vesting Period

The vesting period is the length of time a member must work before being guaranteed a pension benefit. New Jersey, like eight other states, requires ten years of service to become vested.

New Jersey's Teachers Take the Longest to Vest in Their Pension Than Other States

Normal Retirement Age

While pension systems can offer options for early retirement, there is usually a penalty for doing so. Normal retirement age is when a member can receive their full pension benefit. While some states have simple age and work years requirements, others use more complex formulas that change the normal retirement age based on when a member started work. For simplicity’s sake, this report gives the normal retirement age for each state, assuming that a teacher entered the state’s retirement plan at age 25.

In this report’s sample of 38 states, the normal retirement age for new teachers ranges from 53 to 67. At 65, novice teachers in New Jersey have one of the highest normal retirement ages in the country.

New Jersey Has One of the Highest Average Retirement Ages

Cost of Living Allowance

Most states offer some increase in benefits for retirees to offset the effects of inflation. The terms of these cost-of-living allowances (COLAs) vary widely. To simplify things, this report examined two factors: 1) whether or not there is a COLA and 2) whether the COLA is automatic or “ad hoc,” meaning it is only granted when some governing body allows it. New Jersey is only one of four states that has no COLA.

New Jersey is One of Four States Where Defined Benefit Teachers Pensions Have No Cost of Living Allowances

Overall Grade

New Jersey Among the Least Generous Pensions in the Nation For New Teachers

Compared to states with similar retirement plans, New Jersey has the least generous pensions for new teachers in the nation, earning an overall grade of “F.” The state’s low benefit factor, lengthy vesting period, high normal retirement age, lack of a COLA, and high average salary determination period all combine to make New Jersey’s pension for new teachers the stingiest in the nation. See Appendix for more information on the methodology for scoring and letter grades.

In some states, Social Security benefits are not available to teachers; in these cases, teachers do not pay FICA taxes, which is a U.S. federal payroll tax. While the overall grade in this report is not affected by a state’s Social Security status, the information is included in the Appendix. Even if all states that did not participate in Social Security for teachers were excluded from this analysis, New Jersey would still rank last in pension generosity. The role of Social Security in teacher retirement is discussed further in the Supplement.

Recommendations and Conclusion

In 2016, then-Governor Chris Christie claimed that New Jersey teachers had “gold-plated pensions.”[8] However, as NJPP pointed out in 2017,[9] that was simply not true when compared to other states. Teachers’ pensions in New Jersey were some of the least generous in the nation.

Today, new teachers in New Jersey’s pension system continue to face significant disadvantages. They suffer from a low benefit factor, a mediocre contribution rate, a high salary determination and retirement age, and no COLA. By any standard, New Jersey’s newest teachers get a worse deal on their retirement benefits than their colleagues in other states. This inequity is particularly concerning considering that three-quarters of teachers in the state are women — further exacerbating the gender pay gap.[10] A fair pension system is not just about financial security in retirement; it is about recognizing and respecting educators for their service.

To fix this, policymakers must act now to restore fairness in New Jersey’s teacher pension system. The most effective solution is to eliminate Tier 5 and extend more equitable benefits to all teachers. This change would bring New Jersey’s pension system closer to national standards, making the profession more attractive to new educators while ensuring that long-serving teachers can retire with dignity. However, simply eliminating Tier 5 and transitioning all teachers to Tier 1 would not fully align New Jersey with more generous pension systems in other states. While it would mark significant progress, many states would still provide more generous benefits than New Jersey. (See supplement for methodology.)

Governor Murphy’s administration has helped New Jersey make great strides toward meeting its long overdue pension obligations.[11] But if the state wants to recruit and retain well-educated workers into its schools, it must stop using the excuse of previous underfunding to justify inadequate teacher pension benefits. Eliminating Tier 5 is a reasonable step toward pension fairness for the people who educate our children and shape New Jersey’s future.

Appendix: Data and Methods

Data

Data for this report come from the National Association of State Retirement Administrators (NASRA), the foremost authority on public pensions. Data were extracted from these documents:

 

As a data check, NASRA’s data was compared to a report recently issued by the Wisconsin Legislative Council in 2024.[12] When the two data sources conflicted, the author went to the state in question’s website and used the information provided.

Methodology

The sample used is restricted to states with defined benefit retirement plans for teachers. States were ranked in all six metrics (ties were ranked at the mean of the states’ ranks). The final score is the average (mean) of the ranks, with the benefit factor and contribution rate ranks weighted twice as much as the others.

New Jersey Has the Least Generous Teacher Pensions for New hires in the Nation

For the letter grades, the author converted the rank means into standard deviations and assigned grades based on this distribution.

Standard deviations table

Supplement: Modeling Pension Generosity

While retirement age, COLAs, vesting periods, and average salary determination are important measures of a pension’s generosity, arguably the two most important factors are the benefit factor and the contribution rate. The first directly affects the value of the pension benefit, and the second determines how much an employee pays to get that benefit.

Logically, members would expect that the more they pay into a pension, the more they would get out of it. In other words, states with higher contribution rates should have, on average, higher benefit factors. The figure below shows a significant correlation (r-sq = 0.38) between the benefit factor and contribution rate.

But the correlation is hardly perfect. Some states have higher benefit factors than their contribution rates would predict, and some have lower. New Jersey, for example, has a slightly higher contribution rate (7.5%) than Arkansas (7.0%). However, Arkansas’s benefit factor (2.15) is much higher than New Jersey’s (1.67). Arkansas teachers enjoy a more generous pension multiplier than New Jersey teachers, even though they contribute a smaller portion of their income.

The amount that the benefit factor is above or below what the contribution rate predicts is the “value-added” of that state’s pension: the amount more or less than predicted, based on other states’ pensions, that a member receives in benefits based on what they contributed. Teachers in states with a higher value-added amount enjoy more generous pensions as evaluated by these two critical factors; teachers in lower value-added states have less generous pensions.

Benefit Factor Vs. Contribution Rate for Teacher Pensions

The figure above also shows that states that do not offer Social Security benefits for their teachers (the green markers) tend to have higher value-added amounts. They sit higher above the trendline, which is the model’s prediction of the benefit factor given the contribution rate. To put it more simply, states do not have to pay the employer’s share of Social Security taxes on behalf of their teachers and may use those funds to increase the benefit factor.

To account for this, the author runs a regression model with Social Security as a factor variable. The estimates are below; the model allows us to calculate the predicted benefit factor for each state and compare it to the actual benefit factor (resulting in the residual).

Dependent Variable: Benefit Factor, New Hires

Using this model, New Jersey’s predicted benefit factor is 1.88. Its actual benefit factor for Tier 5, as discussed above, is 1.67, and its benefit factor for Tier 1 is 1.82. While the Tier 1 benefit factor is still below the prediction, it is much closer than Tier 5. Raising the Tier 5 benefit factor to Tier 1’s would go a long way toward making New Jersey’s pension benefits for new teachers more like those in other states.

Disclosure

Mark Weber is the Special Analyst for Education Policy at the New Jersey Policy Perspective, and a Lecturer in education policy and law at Rutgers University, New Brunswick. Weber is also a teacher in the Warren Township Schools, Somerset Country; as such, he is a member of the New Jersey Teachers’ Pension and Annuity Fund (TPAF). Weber is in Tier 1; the recommendations in this report would not affect his retirement benefits.


End Notes

[1] Nikita Biryukov (September 3, 2024). “New Jersey districts still face teacher shortages as new school year begins.” New Jersey Monitor. https://newjerseymonitor.com/2024/09/03/new-jersey-districts-still-face-teacher-shortages-as-new-school-year-begins/

[2] Weber, M. (2022). New Jersey’s Teacher Pipeline: The Decline in Teacher Candidates Continues. https://www.njpp.org/publications/report/new-jerseys-teacher-pipeline-the-decline-in-teacher-candidates-continues/

[3] Allegretto, S. (September 12, 2024). Teacher pay rises in 2023—but not enough to shrink pay gap with other college graduates. Economic Policy Institute. https://www.epi.org/publication/teacher-pay-in-2023/
Weber, M. (September, 2019). In Brief: New Jersey’s Teacher Workforce, 2019; Diversity Lags, Wage Gap Persists. New Jersey Policy Perspective. https://www.njpp.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/NJPP-In-Brief-Teacher-Workforce-Report-Final.pdf

Kemper Patrick, S. & Carver-Thomas, D. (2022). Teacher Salaries: A Key Factor in Recruitment and Retention.  Learning Policy Institute. https://learningpolicyinstitute.org/blog/teacher-salaries-key-factor-recruitment-and-retention

Steiner, E., Woo, A., Doan, S. (November 20, 2024). Larger Pay Increases and Adequate Benefits Could Improve Teacher Retention. RAND Corporation. https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA1108-13.html

[4] New Jersey Treasury. “Pension and Health Benefits Reform Under Chapter 78, P.L. 2011.” https://www.nj.gov/treasury/pensions/reform-2011.shtml

[5] Herzenberg, S. and White, J. (December 13, 2017). New Jersey Public Pensions Rank Among Least Generous in the Nation. New Jersey Policy Perspective. http://www.njpp.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/NJ-Pension-Brief-12-13-17-Final.pdf

[6] National Association of State Retirement Administrators. “Defined Benefit.” https://www.nasra.org/db

[7] In some states, benefit factors are based on variables such as years of service and age of retirement. To standardize these figures for comparison, we use the benefit factor for a teacher who begins work at age 25 and retires at the state’s “normal” retirement age. We also elect not to use the NASRA’s reported benefit factor for Massachusetts, which does not align with figures reported by the state; instead, we assume a retirement at 60 and a start age of 25 (see: https://mtrs.state.ma.us/members/#retiring-from-mtrs). We also use the “RetirementPlus” formula, as new members are automatically enrolled (see: https://mtrs.state.ma.us/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/retirementpercentagechart-tier2.pdf)

[8] Star-Ledger Editorial Board (January 17, 2016). “Stop demonizing teachers, governor; Editorial.” The Star-Ledger. https://www.nj.com/opinion/2016/01/christie_has_no_right_to_demonize_teachers_editori.html

[9] Herzenberg, S. and White, J. (December 13, 2017). New Jersey Public Pensions Rank Among Least Generous in the Nation. New Jersey Policy Perspective. http://www.njpp.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/NJ-Pension-Brief-12-13-17-Final.pdf

[10] Gould, E. (March 8, 2024) Gender wage gap persists in 2023; Women are paid roughly 22% less than men on average. Economic Policy Institute.https://www.epi.org/blog/gender-wage-gap-persists-in-2023-women-are-paid-roughly-22-less-than-men-on-average/

[11] New Jersey Treasury (October 31, 2024). “New Jersey’s Pension Fund Reports 10.74% Returns for FY2024.” https://www.nj.gov/treasury/news/2024/10312024.shtml

[12] Wisconsin Legislative Council. 2023-24 Comparative Study Of Major Public Employee Retirement Systems, October 2024. https://docs.legis.wisconsin.gov/misc/lc/comparative_retirement_study/2023_retirement.pdf

How the Governor’s Fiscal Year 2026 Budget Measures Up

Before the Governor’s budget address for Fiscal Year 2026, New Jersey Policy Perspective produced a preview to evaluate whether the budget sufficiently advances economic, social, and racial justice.

With the release of the Governor’s budget in brief, the Governor’s budget met some important key benchmarks but fell short in other areas. (All citations refer to the Fiscal Year 2026 Budget in Brief unless otherwise noted.)

Below is a short summary of how the governor’s budget measured up.

NJPP FY26 Budget Priority

Was it included in the Governor’s Budget?

Protect the surplus and close the deficit  Yes. The projected annual budget shortfall has been reduced from $2.1 billion in the FY 2025 budget bill to $1.2 billion through some tax increases and budget cuts (BIB p. 8). The surplus remains essentially flat at $6.3 billion, although this amount is potentially too small to withstand looming federal cuts to critical programs such as Medicaid or other state-federal partnerships (BIB p. 8).
Fully fund pensions
and schools
 Yes. The governor continued his commitment to fully funding pensions and the K-12 school funding formula (BIB pp. 10, 15-16).
Raise revenues to balance
the budget
 Partially Included. The governor’s budget raises roughly $1 billion in new revenues, including more than $300 million from a new real estate assessment levied on property sales over $1 million (BIB pp. 53, 58). However, the budget still draws on the surplus to balance the books.
Maintain StayNJ’s guardrails, specifically the original spending rules that require a healthy budget surplus  No. StayNJ, an expensive subsidy program disproportionately benefiting wealthy senior homeowners, requires a 12 percent surplus target before payments can go out. Nonetheless, this budget continues to fund StayNJ and assumes payments will go out in 2026, even though the surplus is only 10.9 percent (BIB pp. 13, 8).
Maintain funding for services for immigrants  Yes. Thankfully, the proposal preserves funding levels for programs such as Cover All Kids, which provides health insurance for children regardless of immigration status, and legal services for immigrant adults and children (BIB pp. 27, 31). The proposal also doubles funding for the Office of New Americans, which connects immigrants to services for which they or their families may be eligible (BIB p. 31).
Expand and improve
tax credits for working
families
 No. Unfortunately, the governor’s budget included no expansion of the Child Tax Credit or Earned Income Tax Credit to assist working families in affording the increasing cost of living in the state.
Increase benefits in WorkFirst NJ to reduce poverty  No. Similarly, there was no expansion of the benefit amount for WorkFirst NJ, which provides cash assistance to low-income households.
Expand affordable health insurance options  Partially Included. As noted above, the budget continued to fund Cover All Kids, dedicating $165 million to the program to keep pace with enrollment. However, there were no other proposals to expand access or eligibility to state-funded health insurance programs.
Keep the Corporate Transit
Fee funding transit
 Yes. Corporate Transit Fee funds were directed only to New Jersey Transit and not to the general fund or footing the bill for other programs (BIB p. 6).
Use the Clean Energy Fund
only for clean energy projects
 No. The raid on the Clean Energy Fund remained similar to prior years, with $70 million going from the Clean Energy Fund to pay for basic New Jersey Transit maintenance (BIB p. 88).
End predatory prison communication fees  No. The budget did not include any funding to reduce or eliminate the cost of prison communication fees, leaving families to foot the $15 million bill for communicating with their loved ones who are incarcerated.

With budget negotiations ahead, lawmakers must prioritize solutions that center the experiences of working- and middle-class New Jerseyans by strengthening economic security, protecting public services, and ensuring long-term fiscal stability. NJPP has released a full report outlining additional progressive revenue solutions that would reduce the need for budget cuts that will hurt working-class families, reduce the need to raid other funds to balance the books, and better insulate New Jersey from looming federal budget cuts.

To learn more about policy solutions that NJPP recommends to build a more equitable state, read Blueprint for a Strong and Resilient New Jersey.